The Congo Panorama ~ Le Panorama Congolais

Les Echos de Kinshasa:
News ~ Info/Actualités

Features and Special Reports (in french and english): Documents et Rapports spéciaux très importants
Documentation + Key Interviews
Commentaires ~ Editorials
Economy: contrats miniers signés
Important Speeches ~ Discours clés
Si vous ne connaissez pas vraiment Joseph Kabila, l’homme et sa vision lisez le message suivant: + Dans une interview à Jeune Afrique : Voici les vérités crues de Joseph Kabila !
Le FRONACORDE - NKOLO MBOKA: un nouveau mouvement des masses pour le Congo.

Adherez-y massivement!

Conférence Internationale sur la Région des Grands Lacs: Lettre ouverte à tous mes compatriotes Congolais.

Le Président Joseph Kabila se prononce sur toutes les questions de l'heure. Neamoins, il est estimé que l'époque des dons présidentiels toujours détournés doit être révolue:
La privatisation du Congo s'accèlere:

Les princes du mobutisme et l’avenir de notre pays, commentaire critique de Kâ Mana

Kengo wa Dondo doit répondre aux crimes suivants:
L'implantation militaire des puissances occidentales sur le continent africain pour controler les matières prémières, une réalité évidente! La RDC ne deviendra jamais le pion américain dans la Région des Grands Lacs.

De la Françafrique à la Mafiafrique: François-Xavier Verschave. Entretien avec Enrico Porsia.

George Forrest répond à Global Witness:
Les Deux "Non" de Mzee Kabila:

Evaluation du projet de Constitution

Bilan de la transition ~ Transition assessment
Nationalisme, Culture & Society.

Ainsi Parla Patrice Lumumba:

Le combat révolutionaire de Pierre Mulele

Video Choc: Assassinat barbare, sauvage et terroriste de Patrice Lumumba!

VIDEO SHOCK: Watch Patrice Lumumba's savage and terrorist assassination here!

VIDEO SHOCK: La terreur du Roi Léopold II - King Leopold's terror in Congo. Watch it here!

Hommage à un veritable révolutionaire Lumumbiste: Léopold Amisi Soumialot parle de son défunt père, Gaston Soumialot.

Video: Ecoutez la voix de Gaston Soumialot ici.

Video: Le film réalisé par Jihal El Tahri et intitulé "L'Afrique en Morceaux: La tragédie des pays de la Région des Grands Lacs" desormais discrédité.

Regardez-le ici!

Video: Mobutu ou les 32 ans de démagogie, de kléptocratie, de terreur et de prédation! Film réalisé par Thierry Michel

Regardez-le ici! Mais attention! Ce film contient des mensonges, surtout à propos de Lumumba!

Congo at the ICJ ~ Verdict de la CPI
Horribles Photos du genocide au Congo: sickening photos of the genocide of the Congolese people committed by Rwandans, Ugandans and Burundians, backed by Western superpowers and multinationals.







6.Prepared Testimony and Statement for the Record of Wayne Madsen, Author,

“Genocide and Covert Operations in Africa 1993-1999”

Investigative Journalist On: Suffering and Despair: Humanitarian Crisis in the Congo Before the Subcommittee on International Operations and Human Rights Committee on International Relations United States House of Representatives

Washington, DC, May 17, 2001

7. "Should President Museveni be given a third term ...?"

From Remigius Kintu (President of Uganda Democratic Coalition), LRM/A Information Bureau, the BBC and Wayne Madsen.

I. Remigius Kintu (President of Uganda Democratic Coalition): "TERROR INCOGNITO: THE USA CONSPIRACY BEHIND MUSEVENI'S WARS"

To the Maryland Peace & Justice Annual Conference, 04.19.97

Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen, it is a great honor to be asked to address a large audience of people like yourselves who are dedicated to peace and justice at a time when many wicked individuals are promoting injustice, proxy wars and deception in East Africa.

Several years ago UDC NEWSLETTER, of which I am the editor, revealed the existence of a conspiracy behind Museveni's invasion of Rwanda. All evidence implicated United States agents as key conspirators. Some people called us trouble makers, paranoid or mentally sick. Little did we then know that this is an old trick which is used to cover up truth. You recall what was said of peace activists during the Guatemala and El Salvador insurgence.

On October 1, 1990, Ugandan troops, composed of Tutsis, led by Museveni's Minister of State for Defence, General Fred Rwigema and other high ranking Army Commanders, invaded Rwanda launching a savage era of invasions, genocide, cover-ups and deception extending beyond Uganda. It later became known that some of the invaders had acquired military training in America under the IMET program while disguised as Ugandans. A Uganda Democratic Coalition Inc. (UDC) delegation went to the Pentagon and met Major Tony Marley who was in charge of IMET program. He agreed that Uganda had misled American officials by proposing candidates for training who were in reality not Ugandans. He assured us that this matter would be looked into by appropriate officials at the Pentagon and State Department. We later learned that the training program had increased in size and intensity to train more Tutsis who later commanded the Rwanda invasion.

In March of 1993, I visited Rwanda and saw for myself some victims of that heinous invasion. Between Oct. 1, 1990 and April 6, 1994, over 140,000 Hutus in northern Rwanda were slaughtered by invading Tutsis commanded by American-trained officers. More than a million people were displaced within their own country. I wrote to the White House, to key leaders in the U.S. Senate and House of Representatives and enclosed pictures of men, women and children murdered in Ruhengeri and Byumba, northern Rwanda. I asked U.S. leaders to use their influence to end this senseless invasion. To my surprise, there was total silence!

During the same year, I alerted the U.S. Institute for Peace, a quasi-government organization, of the ongoing human carnage in Rwanda. It is most likely to grow worse and spread throughout the Great Lakes Region. I was told that they had no time and manpower to commit to the Rwanda tragedy. I did not give up the fight for truth and justice but continued knocking at doors all over town and beyond. I went to religious and circular organizations appealing to their conscience at least to look into what is going on in East Africa. I cannot understand why people who claim to be Christian were so cynical and callous about human suffering in this part of the world!

In June of 1994 as the Rwanda Patriotic Front (RPF) invaders were about to take over Kigali, Ms. Prudence Bushnell of the U.S. State Department conducted a press conference. A reporter questioned whether the State Department knew about the RPF invaders. Where were they trained and who financed and armed them? She answered that "we do not have that information". Had she answered truthfully, she could have disclosed Uganda and the U.S. since America was training RPF commanders, financing and arming them via Uganda with weapons from their stockpiles in Europe. America was effectively mesmerizing the targeted countries and the rest of the world. The same U.S. officials who were in charge of these sinister operations were parading themselves as peace makers, initiating insincere negotiations which led to thousands of innocent deaths.

During a Hearing by the Congressional Africa Sub-Committee on March 31, 1993, Mr. James L. Woods, then Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense testified, "We have also been involved in diplomatic efforts to end that civil war. U.S. observer delegations, including military experts, have provided technical advice and guidance to the OAU sponsored peace negotiations. In that regard, LTC Tony Marley (previously of my staff and currently on Ambassador Cohen's staff) has since late February been shuttling between Kigali, Kampala and Arusha providing impartial technical advice to both parties in the tragic war. We have also worked behind the scenes bilaterally with various players, providing advice and encouraging compromise". (underlining added).

Tony Marley, referred to above is the officer UDC leaders met at the Pentagon in 1990 when he was in charge of training Tutsi commanders under the IMET program in the Africa section of Military Intelligence. Later he was assigned to the State Department Africa Bureau as Special Asst. to the Asst. Secretary for Africa.

A former U.S. A.I.D. official, Mr. Harald Marwitz, wrote that, as early as 1989, U.S. Embassy reported to the State Department from reliable sources in Rwanda, such as foreign military observers, confirming Ugandan involvement in incipient border skirmishes and the subsequent invasion of Rwanda." In his report, Mr. Marwitz revealed that some officials questioned the moral grounds of U.S. continued military and economic assistance to Uganda while it was preparing to overthrow a legally constituted government of a friendly country. He further revealed that "between 1989 and 1992, the U.S. alone provided almost $183 million in economic aid enabling Uganda to finance the invasion. This sum is as much as all U.S. aid to Uganda in the previous 27 years".

Asst. Secretary of State for Africa, George Moose, informed the Africa Sub-Committee of the House of Representatives on May 4, 1994 that, "in conformity with our policy of promoting democratization, we shall never recognize a government which takes power by force". A few months later, he went to Kigali to open the U.S. embassy after recognizing RPF regime which had taken power by force.

This clearly confirms that the U.S. State Department has been telling lies. Ms. Bushnell's claim that they did not know about RPF, and Mr. Moose's statement to Congress are proof of their policy of deception and cover-ups. She is now Ambassador to Kenya.

The Washington Post of March 14, 1997 reported that, "Uganda and Rwanda have aided Zairian rebels with arms, money, equipment, intelligence coverage, tactical and communication equipment". The Post must think that the public is too naive to know that Uganda and Rwanda do not make weapons nor are they wealthy enough to finance wars. Around 80% of Uganda's budget is sustained by foreign borrowing. Nearly 100% of Rwanda's expenditure is funded by begging and borrowing. These African basket-case countries do not have spy satellites nor technical experts who could provide military intelligence information to anyone.

The Washington Post of March 16, 1997 further revealed Uganda's role in the Zairian war when it reported the fall of Kisangani city. It reported that, "attackers appeared to have punched quickly through the army's lines by using artillery and armored vehicles which had recently arrived overland from Uganda". Where are those weapons coming from? Who is bringing them into Uganda? Who is paying for them? Who has the capacity to gather and disseminate military intelligence to rebels? Such important questions are conspicuously absent from American media reports. It is certain beyond doubt that Ugandan, Rwandese and Burundian troops invaded Zaire. Why then does the world community remain mute? Why not condemn and punish the three regimes for invading a sovereign nation? If any country has the liberty to invade another, what was the fuss with Iraq?

A Few weeks later, British ITN WORLD NEWS gave extensive coverage of the Zairian war. They interviewed rebel leader, L. Kabila, and showed a section of young men he has purportedly recruited inside Zaire. Those boys were talking loudly in English which did not bear Zairian French accent. In light of the fact that Uganda and Rwanda invaded Zaire, it can be concluded that those boys were Ugandans, not Zairians. After all, 70% of the troops in Rwanda are genuine Ugandans who still receive their salaries from Kampala. In addition to those who were deployed via Rwanda, the direct deployment from Uganda speak only English.

Ironically, the Clinton Administration has rewarded Museveni's submission to its atrocious orders with a STATE VISIT by THE FIRST LADY at a time when Ugandan troops are invading Zaire and Sudan. Is that a pat on the back for "a job well done"?

Rwanda, Burundi and Uganda invaded Zaire in October of 1996. NGOs which operated in refugee camps fled the area. The U.S. beguilingly claimed concern over Rwandese Hutu refugees trapped between invaders and Zairian forces. The U.S. decided to airlift "food and other humanitarian supplies" for the beleaguered refugees. Entebbe and Kigali airports (the source of invaders) were chosen as delivery points for U.S. supplies which were to be taken by road into Zaire. Among the "food and other humanitarian assistance" shipment into Entebbe was about 176 Armored Personnel Carriers (APCs). They were transported by road from Entebbe to Goma, Zaire.

The American Embassy in Kampala later reported that the entire convoy of APCs was stolen as soon as they approached the Uganda/Zaire border. Many of us did not know that APCs can actually be food for starving refugees! Why did the U.S. send APCs instead of food and other humanitarian assistance as previously announced? No attempt was made by local authorities nor the U.S. Embassy to catch the thieves. No explanation was given as to how such bulky military equipment could be so easily stolen and hidden in the short savannah grass. Who could those thieves be and for what reasons? The most probable conclusion from this bizarre story is that the U.S. delivered those weapons to invaders who were expecting them at the border.

One of Museveni's top military commanders, General Tinyefunza, quit and denounced the regime's policies because, according to him, the civil unrest in northern Uganda is a government ploy to give cover to America's war in Sudan at the expense of Ugandan lives. It has been publicly admitted that America wants to overthrow the Khartoum regime, using Uganda, Eritrea, Ethiopia and Egypt. The U.S. proposed to arm those unscrupulous juntas, pay them millions of dollars to invade Sudan on her behalf. Who then is the war-monger in the region?

We know that if you want PEACE, work for JUSTICE. And justice is dependent on EQUITY. You do not have to be a philosopher nor a Theologian to appreciate the importance of Thomas Jefferson's contribution to America's sacred documents which proclaim, ALL MEN ARE CREATED EQUAL..that EACH ONE HAS A RIGHT TO LIFE, LIBERTY AND THE PURSUIT OF HAPPINESS. This land of George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, Henry George, Abraham Lincoln, W.E.B. DuBois, Frederick Douglas, Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., Robert F. Kennedy and thousands of men and women who built a remarkable democracy of the people, by the people for the people. America's greatness should not be in its weapons of mass destruction but in its ability to save and promote human life. For the former, people will fear and hate you, but for the latter, they will respect and admire you.

Today the people of Uganda and neighboring countries are faced with a new and more horrific danger which exceeds the darkest days of European colonialism. It is not a secret anymore that the danger is coming from the most powerful nation in the world and it is directed at the very existence of people in Sub-Sahara Africa. Thousands of Africans are killed daily through proxy wars designed, financed and supplied by a foreign cabal who profit in selling weapons and looting Africa's natural resources. Zaire, Liberia, Somalia and now Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi are perfect examples. Many more are dying of foreign-made diseases which are blamed on imaginary "green monkeys". Weapons and other means of mass destruction with which African population is being obliterated are supplied in the name of development or relief assistance.

The cabal uses some NGOs and the media to control and distort information on the plight of Africans. This neo-Nazis propaganda is by far more dangerous than that of Joseph Goebbels. They provoke wars, plant puppet regimes and support corrupt, brutal dictators who take orders from their foreign masters. Those regimes have as their main duty to contain and control nationals who resist foreign subjugation.


The U.S. desire to devour Africa was best explained by the late U.S. Secretary of Commerce, Ron Brown, while visiting Uganda. He told a dinner party audience that:

"For many years African business has been dominated by Europeans while America gets only 17% of the market. We are now determined to reverse that and take the lion's share".

Anybody who remembers colonialism knows that economic exploitation of Africa was its main objective. Political administrations were set up for the purpose of defending their foreign economic agenda. They no longer have to send in colonial rulers. Instead, they use local scoundrels, i.e. Mobutu, Said Barre, Museveni, Kagame, Buyoya, Rawlings etc.. They set up puppet regimes, train their military thugs in modern brutality so that they may effectively shield foreign looters and exploiters from grumbling and angry nationals.

It is unfortunate that there are some black Americans like the late Ron Brown who utter the same words without thinking. They should be more sensitive to the fact that slavery was a product of European exploitation of Africa. How can a grandchild of an African slave in America, who recently acquired status in his/her society envy European exploitation of Africa to the point of wishing that America do the same to Africa? This is as absurd as it is abominable. I do not believe that an America Jew would be that insensitive and careless with his remarks about Israel, no matter how glamorous a job he/she was offered. But Abraham Lincoln said, "as I would not like to be a slave, I shall not keep a slave".

It is very disturbing to see that the world's greatest democracy is concocting deadly conflicts in Africa at the same time pretend to be peace-makers. United States is the major supplier of arms to Uganda for use throughout the Great Lakes Region. American military are stationed at Entebbe old airport, Nakasongola, Kabamba, Ssingo, Nkozi, Gulu, Ssese Islands and other mobile locations grooming regional insurgents. Last year, Africa Analysis and UDC Newsletter reported about American military officers who were conducting a special training program at Kabamba named Mobile Training Team (MTT). Most likely, that was a precursor to the invasion of Zaire. U.S. military encroachment has contributed greatly to the problems in East Africa. A letter from the U.S. Secretary of Defense, William Perry, to Paul Kagame of Rwanda on August 7, 1995, stated:

"I am pleased with the progress you have made and I am especially happy that the United States has been able to play a role in that reconstruction. When we met in August and again when you visited me last December, I said that I would do what I could to help. You asked me to assist you win support within my government for lifting the arms embargo that had been applied so justly to the murderous regime you ousted and which was still incongruously in effect against your country's liberators. As your Charge' has informed you, I have done so...

I said that I understood and strongly support your request for training to help professionalize and downsize your country's army. Our training of your soldiers at Newport and soon in Kigali regarding the role of militaries in civil societies is an important first step.

I fully agree with Ambassador David Rawson's request for training in such areas as intelligence, counterinsurgency, leadership development, logistic, management and administration. I intend to advocate initiating such training as soon as possible. The next logical step to this training would be a series of combined exercises and I will pursue that with General Joulwan at the appropriate time."

On Nov. 6, 1995, Mr. Perry, wrote another letter to Kagame and stated:

"Over the past several months, we have worked very hard with our colleagues both in the Executive Branch and in Congress on the resumption of a formal IMET program this coming year. I am confident that Rwandan officers and soldiers will enjoy the fruits of formal training alongside American soldiers at U.S. military schools next year. We have also arranged for our European Command to offer you a Joint Combined Exercise for Training (JCET) for next year in Rwanda."

Certainly, U.S. military assistance to Rwanda has greatly enhanced their capacity to participate in a joint Tutsi invasion of Zaire. It has been confirmed by several sources that U.S. military is active in the invasion of Zaire and in the extermination of Rwandese refugees inside Zaire. American satellites and military planes are canvassing the area, locating where refugees may be hiding. They relay the information to ground troops who move in to massacre them. They use the same methods to help rebels defeat the Zairian army.

Congressman Harry Johnston, D-Fla, is a leading supporter of the Tutsi hegemony in Africa. While chairing the Africa Sub-Committee on May 4, 1994, he ordered those giving testimony not to mention the name UGANDA during a hearing on Rwanda. How could one discuss the Rwanda crisis and omit Uganda which provided the base and all the support for RPF invaders? There is no better evidence of a cover-up. During his visit to Rwanda in September of 1996, Cong. Johnston advocated a policy of forcing refugees to return to Rwanda. That totally contradicts the Geneva Convention and established international laws regarding the treatment of refugees. He stated:


Cong. Johnston's barbaric cynicism and insensitivity is a defamation of civilized thinking. It is indeed revolting and nauseating, to say the least.

Evidently, the invasion of Zaire has accomplished that and more. Thousands of refugees were butchered in the camps. The rest were commandeered back into Rwanda where thousands have perished in crematoriums! Again this gruesome fact has been covered up by U.S. and other responsible officials. What kind of aberrance is this?


Under Museveni, Uganda is the headquarters of a sinister U.S. and British military conspiracy to plunder the region. Museveni is assured of their support to pursue his tribal ambitions as long as he implements the Anglo/American agenda. The first step was to return to Uganda British Asians as the merchant class; a system which has its origin in British colonialism. The World Bank and IMF extended credit needed to buy weapons and build a strong army for the purpose of military expeditions at the command of American and British masters. As a result, the World Bank (IDA) has so far given Museveni $1.8 billion which has financed these wars for there is nothing else to show for it. Training camps of rebels from Rwanda, Burundi, Zaire, Sudan and Kenya were set up in Uganda for eventual invasion of their respective countries. The U.S. grooms their officers under the IMET program.

BALDERDASH ECONOMIC REPORTS A Nazi-like "blitzkrieg" campaign was launched to paint a glossy picture of Museveni's regime. They fabricate balderdash economic reports on Uganda which bear no truth whatsoever about the conditions of the country's economy. They claim that Uganda's economy under Museveni grows at an annual rate of nearly 10%. These international con men never give the public a breakdown of the various economic sectors whose totals are too revealing of the true situation.

The truth of the matter is that Uganda's economy has been destroyed by Museveni's regime and they know it. The only things which are on the rise are: FORE UNEMPLOYMENT, POVERTY, IGN DEBT, CORRUPTION, GREED, REGIONAL AGGRESSION, ILLITERACY and DISEASES but they do not care. Most rural farmers who contribute 85% of GNP are financially hurting and are constant victims of government embezzlement. Instead of being paid cash for their crops, they are given "promissory notes" which are never redeemed. Four years ago the regime praised itself for promoting vanilla as a new crop which will increase farmers' earning power. McCormick Co. of Baltimore, MD. area, contracted to buy all of Uganda's vanilla. A prominent vanilla farmer in Kyaggwe county was interviewed by a Swiss TV crew. He complained that prices obtained from foreign buyers do not reach the farmers, and accused government agents for embezzling it.

Total revenue is so low that 80% of government spending is sustained by foreign borrowing. If the Ugandan economy was doing that well (10% according to these liars), why does the regime have to be a beggar for aid and loans in order to survive?


When Museveni took power by force in 1986, foreign debt was only $500 million. Now it is $3.7 billion and rising. Annual interest charges of $186 million exceed the $118 million earned in total export.

There has been a dramatic change in the currency transfer account. The flight of needed currency has increased from $140 million in 1987 to $971 million in 1997. This dramatic change is greatly attributed to British Asians, removal of foreign exchange controls, liberalization of export and import.

Annual net national income has averaged minus $47 million for the duration of Museveni's rule.

Balance of Payment is always in the red. It fluctuated from minus $101 million in 1987 to minus $130 million in 1997. Export earnings of which coffee accounts for 80% have been declining each year since 1986. Coffee alone dropped from $394 million in 1986 to $98 million in 1993 and hasn't recovered that much to date. That is 75% decline in income to nearly 80% of the population.

The standard of living has significantly declined. In 1986 Uganda's per capita income was $500. Today, it is $100 and declining. In 1986 Uganda ranked 26 from the poorest country in the world. Today, it ranks 3rd.

Ten years ago, Life expectancy was 52 years. It is now 36 years.

Uganda is the 5th most corrupt country in the world. All government owned and controlled corporations and co-operatives have either been bankrupted or reported no profits. Uganda Commercial Bank (UCB) boss, Ezra Surumana was fired not arrested after embezzling over 5 billion shillings.

There is no medicine in government hospitals. Around 80% of school age children do not attend schools. Majority of the people wear second hand clothing. More than half of the population no longer get two meals a day. Even one meal is too lean to be a meal. A highly placed Ugandan civil servant said recently that around 90% of the total budget goes into military and spying. Essential services such as education, health, agriculture, social security etc.. are of no concern to the regime. Tough luck for people to whom missionaries or some good-hearted NGOs cannot deliver essential services.

A World Bank formula on MULTILATERAL DEBT sets a DEBT-SERVICE-TO-EXPORT RATIO, calculated on present value basis discounted for the period 1992-2031, as the framework for determining the depth of debt problems. They suggest a benchmark ration of 200% as the ceiling for a sustainable debt servicing level. Uganda's ratio is in the region of 700%. External debt is currently 60% of GDP.

An internal World Bank Memo of April 1, 1992, warned,

"The fiscal/monetary developments over the first half of FY1991/92 have once again demonstrated the pervasiveness of structural weaknesses in the Ugandan economy. A small and narrow revenue base combined with a heavy reliance on unpredictable external support for budgetary purposes, and a shallow financial system create a large potential for financial instability through the fiscal system. In the external sector a narrow export base, a large resource gap and a crippling debt burden restrict the availability and predictability of foreign exchange flows. Strong efforts are necessary to solve the fiscal problem and to correct the large and unsustainable fiscal imbalances, if growth and stabilization objectives are not to be undermined."

In Feb. of 1997, Uganda's financial mismanagement was characterized by the World Bank as partly due to "a weak banking system which is plagued by inside lending, inadequate management practices and improper supervision". This is what Mrs. Clinton praised as "a model for economic and social reform" which all Africa should emulate!

How then can any person with a brain, let alone western leaders and their experts from the World Bank and IMF, tell the world what they know as FALSE that Uganda's economy is growing? All that mambo jumbo is intended to make their puppet look good on paper so that they can justify funneling more than $1.8 billion into Uganda to finance regional wars.

Museveni is like Hitler in many ways except the color of his skin. Hitler was not a German but an Austrian. Likewise Museveni is not a Ugandan but a Tutsi from Rwanda who came with his mother as a refugee. Hitler attacked one country after another. He planned his attack of Russia and other countries while negotiating PEACE TREATIES with his future victims. British Prime Minister, Neville Chamberlain, naively believed that he could achieve peace with Hitler through mere negotiations. Hitler was planning his attack of Britain while mesmerizing Chamberlain with peace agreements. Museveni is doing precisely the same.

Europeans mobilized and fought against Hitler. When will Africans wake up and do the same? Unfortunately, many African countries are mesmerized and cannot defend themselves. Museveni must be thanking God for giving him neighbors whose self-defense instinct is dwarfed.


Many people around the world read about and watched in horror pictures of butchered men, women and children in Rwanda. People have screamed, in disgust. Instead of getting on with managing their countries why are these Africans busy butchering each other? They ask. Few people ever actually question whether all this is due to a biological deformity within the African person or externally imposed.

American propagandists, such as, Roger Winters and Allison DeForge, have clamorously labored to hide the fact that Tutsis in the Ugandan army invaded Rwanda since October 1, 1990 and slaughtered over 140,000 innocent Hutu civilians prior to April 6, 1994. The U.S. government as a partner in that crime has used its enormous influence with the media, the U.N., World Bank and other organizations to distort and cover up the truth.

The U.S. government invidiously labeled victims of an invasion as murderers. U.S. embassies were instructed not to grant visas to Hutus. The U.S. tried to coerce all nations to follow the American alienation of Hutus. America advanced a policy that no forum in the world should hear their side of the story for fear that the truth will be embarrassingly exposed. You all know that American democracy demands that one listens to both sides before making judgement. Was that meant for a select few?

The intensity of deception and cover-ups has been awesome. The world has been manipulated to believe that the killings started on April 6, 1994. For three years Hutus were being killed by invading Tutsis while the world kept mum. On April 6th, 1994 the conspirators killed President Habyarimana and the masses retaliated in anger and desperation by killing those whom they identified as enemies. I do not condone killing innocent people, but I strongly condemn the act of invading sovereign nations. At the same time I can understand how people anywhere could and often do react when placed in similar situations.

It is hypocritical to evade the issue that Rwanda was invaded by Tutsis, aided by Uganda, USA and UK. It is hypocritical and seditious for world leaders to have abated such a criminal invasion of a sovereign nation for three years without stopping it and punishing its perpetuators. The same crime by the same criminals is going on in Zaire and all you hear is bravo, bravo. The Rwandese people were capriciously betrayed by Belgium, USA, the U.N. and others in whom they expected rescue from invaders or at least a fair and a balanced judgement. Suddenly, their leader was blown up on April 6, 1994 by a combination of RPF and their foreign instigators. It is this sequence of events, and more so those who started it, that should be blamed for the human carnage which started on October 1, 1990 till now. Why not blame the Tutsi invaders and their foreign benefactors, i.e. Uganda, USA and UK who created the situation that caused the death of so many people on both sides of the ethnic line?

Violent reaction is not new to mankind. History tells us that in year 70 some Jewish people revolted against Roman imperialism. The Romans reacted by burning down Jerusalem, destroyed the temple and chased Jews out of the city.

The French revolution was a reaction to inequity over BREAD and thousands of the aristocrats were slaughtered mostly by angry and hungry peasant women.

After the Japanese bombed Pearl Harbor on Dec. 7, 1941, the U.S. government reacted by rounding up Americans of Japanese ancestry and put them in concentration camps.

After the assassination of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., in 1968, black Americans reacted by burning cities.

None of the above cases involved Hutus. These events took place long before 1994. If anything, the Hutus may have learnt this lesson from western societies.


A British reporter, Nick Gordon, investigated and reported that RPF regime built crematoriums at Bugasira, Ruhengeri, Byumba, Kibungo, Inyungwe and other locations where thousands of Hutus are killed daily and their bodies are incinerated under the program called "MANPOWER DUTIES" while U.S. officials are looking the other way. The Tutsi regime is conducting genocide in Rwanda to reduce the Hutu population to "manageable level". At Gabiro, one of those Auschwitz-like crematorium, Nick reports, between 1000 and 2000 Hutus are incinerated daily and their ashes spread in the fields by a tractor. It is also reported that American military has established a base adjacent to the crematorium at Bugasira. It is impossible for American GIs not to hear the daily and loud groaning coming from across the fence; neither can they fail to smell the stench of burning flesh.

BURUNDI The struggle for freedom, justice and democracy in Burundi is strewed with gruesome episodes which are as disappointing as they are tantalizing. Burundi is ruled by a brutal oligarchy of Tutsis/Hima who are only 14% of the population. The majority Hutus are oppressed and deprived of their human dignity. They are barred from government positions, the army, educational opportunities and church leadership. As a result of this blatant APARTHEID, 99.9% of the army is Tutsi. Burundi is 70% Catholic and 20% Protestant, yet the clergy and entire church leadership in each denomination is over 90% Tutsis dominated.

Prof. Rene Lamarchand of the University of Florida documented the periodical pogrom by Tutsis against Hutus in Burundi. He revealed in his book, BURUNDI: ETHNOCIDE AS DISCOURSE AND PRACTICE, Cambridge Univ. Press, 1994.

"Over 5000 educated Hutus in the military and public services were slaughtered in 1965. In 1972 over 300,000 Hutus were killed and the same number fled the country. In 1988 about 5000 Hutus were killed. In 1991 an estimated 5000 Hutus in Bujumbura city alone were killed. From 1993 to date, more than 200,000 Hutus have been killed."

In 1972 The Commission of International Jurists investigated and the United Nation Security Council declared that indeed Tutsis in Burundi had committed genocide against Hutus. Yet no action was taken by the U.N. nor other responsible body.

Due to a combination of pressures, Burundi democratically elected a Hutu President M. Ndadaye, on June 1, 1993. Tutsis resented the country's move to democracy. Consequently they murdered President Ndadaye on October 23, 1993 and systematically eroded away the elected government and returned the country to Tutsi military rule. Throughout this period of eroding the feeble democracy, Tutsis obtained substantial help from Museveni and United States.


A group of American jingoes was formed in Washington to coordinate U.S. involvement in undermining Burundi's feeble democracy. They meet monthly at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace to review the progress of their activities and set new goals. That forum is capriciously funded by the U.S. government and comprises of officials from the State Dept., U.S.A.I.D., Defense Intelligence Agency, CIA, World Bank, and a number of NGOs who contract with U.S. government agencies in various activities. This forum is presided over by a gladiator from a leading British-funded NGO, SEARCH FOR COMMON GROUND, which has coordinated a number of crisis generating initiatives. It is perplexing to note that this group does not include staff members from Capitol Hill.

Buyoya, the new Tutsi junta, is a favorite of the U.S. He received funds from U.S.A.I.D. to undermine the elected government of Burundi. He was invited to the forum sessions several times and keeps in close consultation with, sending his agents to the meetings, updating them and carrying back new instructions. In June of 1996, Buyoya met with Susan Rice of the National Security Council at the White House who reportedly assured him of America's support in his intended take over of Burundi a month later. That was also confirmed in Bujumbura when Buyoya briefed his commanders, retorting that he had been assured of U.S. support for their planned coup. Recently this organization has changed its name to "GREAT LAKES POLICY FORUM".


Rwandese Tutsis remember with contempt the contribution of a Swiss Catholic Missionary, Fr. Peraudin W.F., who taught SOCIAL JUSTICE to an oppressed Hutu population. He motivated Kayibanda to take up the Hutu peoples' struggle for human and civil rights. That struggle culminated into the revolt of 1959/60 which overthrew a repressive Tutsi monarchy and established, for the first time, a majority rule. Killing of the Catholic hierarchy in Rwanda and subsequent persecution of the church by RPF is most probably in retaliation to its having spearheaded the emancipation of oppressed Hutus.

The Catholic Church in Burundi has also had its share of persecutions. Missionaries who preach and practice social justice and Hutu clerics have faced persecutions. Burundi's Archbishop was killed by the military in 1996 for being fair-handed. Most Hutu and balanced Tutsi clerics have been tortured and others went into exile.

Soon after Tutsi invaders reached Bukavu, Zaire, the Catholic Bishop of that diocese was among their first victims. He was beheaded together with nine other church leaders. The killers took off with the Bishop's head! Is it by design that wherever Tutsis gain control, the Catholic leadership is persecuted?


Museveni's troops invaded Rwanda on October 1, 1990. He and his foreign cabal used to call for peace negotiations whenever they needed time to regroup and resupply their troops. After Rwanda was finished in June of 1994, their chief logistician and propagandist, Roger Winters of the U.S. COMMITTEE FOR REFUGEES (a misnomer organization) said that, "now Rwanda is stabilized, I will turn my attention to Sudan". Within a few months, Uganda attacked Sudan and the western media was jubilantly reporting that the invaders will soon take Juba. Unfortunately, Sudan is not like Rwanda. The invaders met a formidable defence from the Sudanese army. Again the scamps called for peace negotiations which were held in Kenya, Nigeria, Malawi, Libya and Iran. Each agreement has been followed by resumption of military attacks by Uganda which made those agreements not worth the papers they were written on.

AFRICA ANALYSIS of Aug. 1996 and UDC NEWSLETTER of Sept, 1996 exposed America's role in the Sudan invasion. Then The Washington Post expanded the story, quoting some U.S. officials who confessed that they are financing and arming Uganda, Ethiopia, Eritrea and Egypt to overthrow the Khartoum regime. The American proxy war in Sudan is in progress causing death to many Africans.


The struggle for peace and justice in Africa is facing a new and a more deadly challenge. We should not be intimidated by the enormity of this satanic darkness of injustice and deception now hovering over Africa. In spite of its blinding darkness, it cannot extinguish the glow of one candle. Imagine, if many of us lit many candles of peace and justice in many places. We shall dispel this satanic darkness of proxy wars, injustice, repression and deception. More than ever, grassroots activists must oppose wicked leaders and their clamorous agents who promote human suffering. The triumph of evil is not so much due to its inherent strength as it is due to the lamentable inaction of the descent majority of people.

As Gandhi said, "In time to come, people will not judge us by the creed we profess or the labels we wear or the slogans we shout, but by our work, industry, sacrifice, honesty and purity of character".

American people have a special duty to instill moral purpose, ethical conduct and values which are absent from their government's foreign policy, especially on Africa. The fact that Africa was conspicuously omitted during: the past presidential debate, the Inauguration and State of the Union speeches proves that grassroots activists have a lot to work on.

If your leaders have deceived you, it is because you have allowed yourselves to be deceived. The trouble is not with the facts which are available. The trouble is that clear and honest inferences have not been drawn from the facts. If America continues to dodge the issues of injustice, mass killings, proxy wars and economic exploitation perpetuated by your leaders, the whole nation shall be condemned. Yes, it is proper to blame imperialists and colonialists for some of Africa's misery. Western democratic nations should not be the ones to seduce and entice African nations into criminal and wicked conduct.

African rulers also share in the blame. They failed to identify their foes, know where they belong, define their own interests, set their objectives and pursue them with and for their own people. They know that Europeans came to Africa to help themselves. That goal has not changed over the years. It takes two to tangle. African rulers should and could have fended off any satanic temptation. Why don't they?

Africa is ruled mostly by power-hungry, greedy, corrupt, scoundrels and murderers. They preside over straw nations which have been thoroughly eaten up from within by enemies they glorify and cherish as friends. The inability of Zaire to defend her territorial integrity in face of an invasion is one classic example of domestic, foreign, economic and social policies which are one enormous field of ruins, strewn with inept, greedy and corrupt rulers who only respond to commands from their foreign masters. Many African regimes are no different. The world, thus, sees them as stooges and obsequious dogs which gratefully lick the hands that have just beaten them!

Peace-loving people here as well as in Africa must work together to promote peace. We must challenge agents of injustice and destruction no matter how powerful their temporal positions may be. We should never forget that the aim of our struggle is our very existence. The sole enemy whom we must watch is and remains the power which is robbing us of this existence and destroying our countries.

African people are struggling for their RIGHT to be Africans in their Africa with all that God endowed to them. The realm of RIGHT is not merely concerned with the regulation of material possessions, but also with spiritual values, such as love, loyalty and freedom insofar as these values assume a form in a spatio-temporal world.

We cannot ask God to perform miracles while we ignore the natural means for affecting change now available to us. Msgr. Moses Coady of Canada, a champion of social justice, wrote that, "charity and justice have their foundation in religion. It is the spiritual concept of life that gives zest to the struggle for democracy and freedom". He strongly believed that, "social justice will eliminate injustice and economic exploitation".

It is not sufficient to hold out a helping hand to our fellow men in a time of crisis. It is more in keeping with human dignity that people should be given a chance to live in peace, raise their children, worship their God, build their lives as they please in their own land as masters of their own destiny. This is charity in the real sense of the word.

Let it be known that breeding wars in sub-sahara Africa is intrinsically bad, morally repugnant and criminal. America cannot claim to support democracy and human rights in Africa, at the same time create wars which obliterate African countries, prop up corrupt dictators who deny people their basic rights and human dignity. In other words, America cannot be part of the problem and at the same time be part of the solution. Although there is a saying that, if your behind is big enough, you can sit on both sides of the fence at the same time.

Those forces who oppose every available opportunity for Africans to realize economic democracy are truly her greatest enemies. Political independence and democratic governance in Africa cannot endure without being founded in peace, justice, freedom, respect for human life and economic democracy under divine Laws.


By Mr. Remigius Kintu

The Following Document was prepared upon request and presented to the U.N. Tribunal on Rwanda, Arusha, Tanzania

March 20, 2005

I come before you, Ladies and Gentlemen of this noble Tribunal which was instituted to search for the truth behind the heinous crimes committed in Rwanda. And upon you was charged the noble responsibility of dispensing justice where it is due. If I could borrow from the wisdom of great men and women of long ago, truth is not a function of public opinion or majority vote, nor does it stem from the wishes of the mighty and powerful, but rather it stands in its absolute properties regardless of opinions, purposes or values of anyone and transcends time and space.

I want to borrow from the Greek play OEDIPUS REX by Sophocles. King Oedipus was disturbed by the immense suffering taking place in Thebes. The calamity in that land of Thebes was caused by the innocent blood of its King Laisos who was killed many years ago. Kreon told Oedipus what he heard from Delphi that the gods demand we expel from the land of Thebes an old defilement we are sheltering.

As a result, Oedipus made the following pledge: “If any man knows by whose hand king Laios son of Ladbakos met his death, I direct that man to tell me everything no matter what he fears for having so long withheld it. Let it stand as promised that no further trouble will come to him but he may leave the land in safety. And for the criminal, I pray to God that that man’s life be consumed in evil and wretchedness. And as for me, this curse applies no less.”

He further stated that the god Apollo sent us word that this great pestilence would lift, only if established clearly the identity of those who murdered Laios. None of the wise men and priests could reveal the secret of the calamity that befell the land of Thebes. Choragos suggested that there is one man who may detect the criminal. This is Teirsias, a blind holy prophet in whom alone, of all men, truth was born.

Teirsias was brought before the throne and revealed to Oedipus: “I say that you are the murderer whom you seek. I say you live in hideous shame with those most dear to you. You cannot see the evil. It is the truth that sustains me”.


The Hutu vis-à-vis Tutsi Relations

The Tutsi vs. Hutu relationship in Rwanda has been marred with gruesome human rights violations committed and perpetuated by Tutsis for centuries. Belgian colonialism did very little to alleviate the brutality, enslavement, dehumanization and all sorts of suffering which Hutus endured for centuries at the hands of Tutsi minority who controlled that country with an iron hand. Hutus were nothing but slaves of Tutsis. Each Hutu was obliged to perform “UBURETWA” which was labor performed by Hutus which symbolized the most degrading and humiliating form of servitude. Hence, a Hutu was required to put in a day’s work at a property of a Tutsi master without pay. The harvest of the land belonged to Tutsis who had the right and privilege of enjoying whatever the Hutu labor produced. Yet the Hutus could use left-overs at the discretion of the Master Tutsis. Needless to say, land belonged to Tutsis and Hutus had one duty and that is of working on it for the benefit of the masters. Such institutionalized impoverishment forced many Hutus to seek paid employment in Uganda. Others sought labor jobs in Congo. Whenever a Hutu slave/servant failed to perform his duties at the Tutsi master’s property, the punishment was 8 lashes by kiboko – (a whip made out of a dry skin of a hippopotamus).

Educational opportunities were for only Tutsis, thus creating a mass of ignorant and uneducated population of Hutus. Only at the discretion of a Master to his extraordinarily obedient and docile slave, could a Hutu’s child be permitted to attend school but only up to a certain level, as may be wished by the masters. Government positions, from the King down to the lowest level, were exclusively for Tutsis.

The brutality of Tutsis over Hutus had no limits. It became their second nature that neither human decency nor moral/spiritual values could influence the way Tutsis treated Hutus. For instance, Umwami, (king) official drum and symbol of royalty, called KALINGA, was decorated with the dried penises of Hutu men. The Queen Mother, who wielded significant power, had her two spears – symbols of authority – anchored in two Hutu babies or adults.

A Tutsi had a right to kill a Hutu for any reason, including simple displeasure of a Hutu’s looks. Sometimes such killing could be done by parents to please their child who may have expressed a hatred of a Hutu for any reason. The dehumanization process reached a terrible depth that Hutus were barred from crying if and when such atrocities were inflicted upon them. The consequences of shedding tears at the presence of such brutal injustices were fatal. As a result of centuries of dehumanization and odious brutalization, Hutus do not cry but rather freeze or become petrified and weep internally. These are but a few examples of the brutality Tutsis exercised over Hutus for centuries.


In 1948, the UN reports expressed shock at the inequalities in Rwandan social and political structures and called upon the Belgian colonial administration to prepare the population for self-government. The Tutsi did not agree with the UN recommendations and so wanted to keep their status of being superior to Hutus.

The first blows of the Hutu revolution were struck in 1959 when a gang of Tutsi youths attacked one of the few Hutu sub-chiefs. The news of his death spread across the country and Hutu moved to retaliate. The Hutu uprising of 1959 was important because it demonstrated the depth of rural discontent with the Tutsi domination and mistreatment of Hutus. This revolution ended in 1961 when democratic elections and a referendum on the monarchy were held under the UN supervision. The Hutus won by an overwhelming majority vote. The referendum delivered a decisive rejection of the monarchy. Under the leadership of a charismatic Gregoire Kayibanda, democratically elected Hutus took control of government and Parliament.

That revolution which abolished the monarchy, established for the first time in the history of Rwanda a government run by majority Hutus. As a result, thousands of Tutsis who were members of the repressive regime including their Umwami (King) fled to neighboring countries of Uganda, Congo, and Tanzania and beyond.

The Catholic Church in Rwanda played a significant role in abolishing the Tutsi slavery of Hutus in the late 1950s. Tutsis regardless of their religious affiliation have harbored a deep resentment against the Church since then. In particular, retired Archbishop Andre Perraudin who in 1959 wrote a pastoral letter in which he asked, in the name of charity, that an end be put to the privileges of one ethnic group over another, suggesting social reforms and greater democracy. Prior to his becoming a Bishop, Fr. Perraudin had been one of a few Missionaries who taught, believed and lived the doctrine of social justice in Rwanda.

That diabolic hatred of the church by Tutsis was vividly demonstrated by RPF when they accused Bishop Augustin Misago of the so called genocide of 1994. Bishop Fokas of Ruhengeri was taken away by police and presumed killed. A government sponsored campaign to demean the Catholic Church in Rwanda has been going at the highest level of RPF administration. What is even more shameful is to see that Tutsis raided a church to demonstrate at on April 4, 1999 in Veyras, Switzerland when the retired Bishop was celebrating his 60 years of priesthood. They accused him of the 1994 genocide. The Bishop served Rwanda for 38 years and retired to his home country of Switzerland on September 15 1993. His legacy of emancipating Hutus from Tutsi enslavement is the crime Tutsis can never forgive him.


The UNHCR set up refugee camps for Tutsis soon after they arrived in Uganda in 1960, at Rwimi and Base Camp Kasese in Toro, Kamuhingi and at Rukinga Valley in Ankole. Rukinga Valley was a sparely populated area. It provided excellent grazing grassland for those that came with their livestock. The UN agency took full responsibility for those people. Uganda, as a young nation, had never experienced such an influx of refugees and did not know how to handle such problems.

It is important to remember that Tutsis made no secret of their intentions to return to Rwanda as rulers. “We cannot accept to be ruled by Hutus who are supposed to be our slaves”, so they declared. Soon after they settled in those camps, they devised plans of taking back power in Rwanda through force. In the 1960s Tutsi refugees made several attempts to capture power by force. There were about 5 attempts during Kayibanda’s reign, when Tutsi militant groups made unsuccessful attempts to attack Rwanda from Uganda and Congo. At the same time they were accusing Rwanda of being undemocratic. They continued waging a two prong attack: accusing the Hutu regime in Kigali of being undemocratic and repressive, while at the same time mobilizing an armed invasion of Rwanda. While still under the UNHCR supervision in Uganda, those refugees tried to mobilize their youth into an armed guerilla group. The militant group was called THE BANYRWANDA YOUTH ASSOCIATION. A. Milton Obote’s first regime prevented them from using Uganda as a military base for an attack on a neighboring country because it was a violation of both the U.N. and OAU Charters. That did not go well in the minds of a people who were obsessed with taking power at any cost. They worked around it by undermining the very country which gave them refuge.

At that time their efforts were thwarted but their conviction to regain power in Rwanda did not die. They continued to use other avenues including negotiating with the Kigali regime for their return to Rwanda, which could give them an opportunity to maneuver to regain power, by any means, from within the country. There were several negotiations sponsored by OAU and UN to work out a compromise of returning refugees back to their country. Each time a compromise was reached; the Tutsi side undermined its implementation and quickly blamed the Hutu side for the apparent failure. It was self evident that the Tutsis wanted nothing short of taking total control of the country and return to the old ways of Tutsi domination and enslavement of Hutus.

They resented the fact that Rwanda was under the control of a majority group – a people they deemed not fit to rule. That sentiment was confirmed many years later when Paul Kagame’s junta officially condemned retired Archbishop Andre Parraudin for his pivotal role in the emancipation of Hutus in 1950s. The then Fr. Parraudin (who was a Missionary teacher at a Seminary in Rwanda during the 1950s) expounded to his students the Catholic doctrine of SOCIAL JUSTICE and HUMAN RIGHTS. On that basis the Diocesan newspaper called Kinyamateka was entrusted to Gregoire Kayibanda, an ex-seminarian, who wrote extensively on social reform, condemning Tutsi brutality against the Hutus. Kayibanda, backed by the Church through Bishop Parraudin, vehemently preached justice and human rights for all. It was from that standpoint that Hutu liberation blossomed and formed a political party PARMEHUTU which waged a victorious campaign against the Tutsi dynasty, overthrowing the monarchy and deposing all Tutsi rulers in 1959/60.


Under the influence of some powerful Hima politicians from Ankole District, namely Grace S. Ibingira, C.B. Katiti and W.W. Rwetsiba, who were intimately conjugated with Tutsi refugees, Obote was persuaded to undermine the UNHCR and closed the camps. Many refugees got off the UNHCR sponsorship at the dismay of UN officials. Uganda government, working in conjunction with local authorities, settled many Tutsi families at Namutamba, Kiboga, Mawogola and many parts of Ankole.

He recruited many of the young men and women to serve in his newly created spy and torture Gestapo-like GENERAL SERVICE UNIT (GSU). They had over the centuries perfected the skills of spying, torturing and brutal subjection of Hutus in Rwanda. Such work was their second nature. They learned quickly the Bantu languages of southern Uganda, particularly, Runyankole, Rukiga, Luganda and Lusoga. Obote’s regime was destined to survive many years in power since it had a monopoly of military power, using his northern tribesmen combined with an effective but dreaded spy and torture network manned by Tutsi mercenaries, who had no loyalty to any tribe and could intermingle freely and effectively among the Bantu tribes of the south, where opposition to his regime was strongest. Many girls including Tutsis were deployed to work as spies in bars, hotels, restaurants and even as wives.

Many GSU agents were deployed in various ministries and state controlled corporations from which they spied on civil servants and the general public. Among GSU agents of Rwandese extraction were Yoweri Museveni (who as a young boy grew up in the family of Boniface Byanyima and attended Ntale High School) worked in the Prime Minister’s office. Chris Katsigazi joined the Foreign Affairs Ministry and served in many posts overseas, including in Washington DC and New York.

GSU became a notorious and dreaded agency causing Obote’s regime to be hated. Many people, especially from the opposition party (Democratic Party), were tortured and imprisoned by GSU agents. Most of those atrocities were committed by Tutsi agents purporting to be Banyankole. That insecurity created a paralysis in the country and disrupted political, social and economic progress.


General Idi Amin overthrew Obote on January 25, 1971. The population was jubilant because they expected to see an end to GSU spies. Idi Amin tried to rid Uganda of those dangerous elements, but unfortunately that was not the case. Many GSU personnel fled the country, but a significant number of them remained and eventually infiltrated Amin’s regime serving as spies and killers under a new organization called STATE RESEARCH BUREAU (SRB).


FRONASA Group and mobilization of Tutsis in Uganda


Soon after the political turmoil its lowest level Obote’s group stole the election, Ugandans wedged an armed struggle and a civil broke up. At that time Yoweri Museveni was co-chairman of the ruling Military Commission which in turn paved the way for second return of Milton Obote into power. In 1981, Museveni and his Tutsi clique, which was hatched in FRONASA and later merged into UPM, infiltrated the ongoing armed struggle against Obote’s forces. They joined the fighting with a hidden agenda of taking over and killing off its original leadership. Indeed the Tutsi clique successfully carried out their dual plan. Over the course of 5 years of fighting Obote’s regime, the original true Ugandan leaders were systematically killed. Among those they killed were, Robert Sserumaga, Bazil Mumanya, George Nkwanga, Bernard Buzabo, Kiwanuka, Waswa, Yusuf Lule, among others. One unique case of their killing strategy is the death of Ahmed Sseguya – a Muganda. Sseguya led the FRONASA military group that trained Nachingwera in Tanzania. He was a staunch supporter of FRONASA, and a well trained military commander. He stayed with the Tutsi/Hima group not knowing their secret plans. Museveni ordered Muchunguzi, Julius Ayime and Mugume to kill Mr. Sseguya so as not to allow a Muganda among their midst.

Museveni and his clique of Tutsi/Hima tribesmen established named itself THE NATIONAL RESISTANCE MOVEMENT/ARMY and monopolized the bush war that ousted Obote in 1986. The following were its members:

High Command were: Yoweri Museveni, Salim Sareh, Fred Rwigyema, David Tinyefunza, Jim Muhwezi, Eri Tumwine, Paul Kagame, Moses Kigongo, Mugisha Muntu, Kiiza Besigye.

Senior Officers were: Kahinda Otafire, Benon Tumukunde, P. Kutesa, Julius Ayine, Mugume, Frank Guma, Stephen Kashaka, John Kyaakuta, Barihona, Rwandari, Rweyibanda, Muchunguzu, Gasinzi, Amanya Mushega, Amama Mbabazi, Fenehams Katirima, Mathew Rukikayire, Eriya Kategaya, Byemalo, Shef Ali, Kasigazi, Kihanda, Sande Mukulu, Monday, James Kazini, Makanga Bogere, PeterKerimu Kazora, Ruhakana Rugunda, Stephen Kwiringia, Kasula Kyomuhendo, Kashilingi Lubaramira, David Ndyayondi, Fred Kagonyera,, Kyakabare, Samuel Kaka and many others.

As soon as they started fighting in Luwero triangle, their first strategy was to kill as many civilians as they could and destroy their properties, and put the blame on Obote’s soldiers. They often bragged about this trick as one they learned when training with FLERIMO of Mozambique.


In 1979, another development was taking place in Rwanda. A group of Rwandese (mostly Tutsis) in Rwanda launched an opposition party named RWANDESE ALLIANCE FOR NATIONAL UNITY (RANU) calling for national unity and the return of exiled Rwandese. That party was forced to go underground and was maintained by Rwandese exiles. In 1987, a year after Museveni took power; it changed its name to RWANDESE PATRIOTIC FRONT (RPF). It enjoyed support from many Tutsis in Museveni’s regime who were at the same time camouflaging as Banyankole or Bakiga.

Tutsis occupied strategic and controlling positions in Museveni’s regime, thus achieving their primary objective: that of controlling Uganda and using it as a staging ground to take over other countries. Fred Rwigyema (first leader of RPF) was Minister of Defense; Paul Kagame was Director of Military Intelligence, and responsible for exterminating Ugandans who could be real or imaginary opposition. He operated his death camp in Basiima House at Mengo and at various other locations. Other Tutsis in the control of Uganda was Pierre Kabatzi. Peter Bayingana was Chief of Medical Service for Uganda Prisons. Chris Bunyenyezi was Administration Chief at Army Headquarters.

Soon after Museveni took over, he lured the Rwandan leader J. Habyarimana to accept lifting travel document requirements for citizens of Uganda and Rwanda. A special bus service between Kampala and Kigali was established by Tutsis in Museveni’s government. Its daily runs from Kampala, in most cases, went half full and always returned full of people from Kigali. This activity went on till shortly before October 1, 1990, when the RPF commenced their invasion.

It later became evident that the bus passengers coming from Rwanda to Uganda were recruits for military training for the eventual invasion of Rwanda in 1990. The recruits mostly came from Tutsi families. Others were from various parties opposed to J. Habyarimana’s regime. The destination was Kabamba Military Training Camp, others were sent to a secret training camp at Karugutu in the Rwenzori Mountains. Its Chief Commander was Mr. Biganja.

Among the many recruits brought in from Rwanda was a young lady I interviewed. She was brought first for military training and then she underwent Intelligence Work training at the residence of the Catholic Bishop of Kabale, The Right Rev. Barnabas Halem’imana. That lady informed me that many recruits had their initial training in spy work and other related activities at the Bishop’s residence. The instructions included RPF plans and dogma which emphasize, among other things, that Tutsis, not Hutus, were destined to be rulers of Rwanda but not Hutus. They also undertook training in spying and torture techniques. After graduating from there, they were sent to another location on the Uganda-Zaire border near Kasese to the home of a wealthy Tutsi trader. There, they had additional training before deployment. That lady recalls many conversations in the evenings with the Bishop as he sipped Scotch whisky, telling the young recruits that Tutsis were created to be rulers. The RPF officers were free to use the Bishop’s vehicles. One morning, those guys returned from their night expedition in the Bishops pick-up truck. It was stained with blood. The people of Kabale recognized the Bishop’s vehicle being driven by strange faces. The information became known among the people. Secret letters of complaint to the higher authority in the Church were written by priests and laity alike to no avail. The Catholic population of Kabale revolted forcing him to run for his life to Kampala from where he requested the Pope to accept his resignation as Bishop of Kabale Diocese, a request which was immediately granted. We have learned that Museveni has rewarded him with the political post of Director of HIV/AID Prevention Program. This organization is charged, among other things, with the duty of distributing condoms.


The decision to invade Rwanda was made soon after Tutsis were dethroned in 1959/60 and arrived in Uganda as refugees thereafter. From that time, they carried numerous attempts to take over power by forces. At the same time they tried galvanizing public opinion against the Hutu dominated regime, but yield limited results. The FRONASA groups which was formed in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania was the one to come up with a winning strategy when it took advantage of political anarchy, to which they significantly contributed, in Uganda and thus opted to taking over that country and in turn use it as a staging ground to invade Rwanda.

The actual preparation for the RPF invasion of Rwanda started in 1985 while NRM was still fighting in Luwere before taking power in January 1986. The NRA High Comand composed of Yoweri Myseveni, Salim Sareh, Fred Rwigyema, David Tinyefunza, Jim Muhwezi, Paul Kagame, Moses Kigongo, Kiiza Besigye, Kahinda Otafire, formed a committee which will organize the invasion of Rwanda soon after NRM/NRA takes over Uganda. That committee included the following: Fred Rwigyema, David Tinyefunza, Mugisha Muntu, Jim Muhwezi, Paul Kagame, Shef Ali,Matteka, Byensi, and Biganja. By the end of 1985, more than 3,000 Tutsi/Hima had completed their military training at Mulima Barracks, a secret place in the Rwenzori Mountain.

After Museveni took over power, he invited President Habyarimana to be the guest of honor at a military ceremony whereby ranks were awarded to senior NRA officers. During that meeting, Museveni asked Habyarimana to allow three senior NRA military officers to join the Rwandan Army but that request was rejected. The officers were Fred Rigyema, Mugisha Muntu and Paul Kagame. Museveni furtherrequested Habyariman to allow ordinary Tutsi soldiers from the NRA to join the Rwandan Army; that too was turned down. Finally Museveni asked Habyarimana to allow ordinary Tutsi civilians to return to Rwanda on a gradual basis. That was accepted on the basis that that those returnees have no criminal record.

Towards the end of 1986, Museveni deployed into Rwanda the 3000 soldiers who were trained in Mulima Barracks. They were disguised as civilians and each one was given 300,000 Uganda Shillings as a resettlement fund. This advance team was constantly sending back information about the Rwandan Army and Government.

In 1987, Jim Muhwezi, Director of Internal Security Organization (ISO), appointed Mr. Stehen Ndawula Ssennoga, a Kyambogo Technical College graduate in Communication, to recruit former Kyambogo students into ISO. All recruits were sent to East Germany and Cuba for training in how to operate sophisticated spy equipments. Mr. Kibuka was the leader of those who went to East Germany and Mr. Kayemba led the team that went to Cuba. The two groups returned after 6 months of training and with them were lots of spy equipment which were stored at the ISO headquarters, Nakasero. Stephen Nadura, S. Kweringira, David Kasula and Bosco Kiviri were in charge of those equipments. In December of 1987, ISO bought twelve (12) mobile radios and IFA vehicles which carried them. They also bought 20,000 walk talkies and bugging equipment from East Germany plus 20,000 pistols, 6.71 mm. All those equipments were destined for Rwanda. In early 1987, a Bulemezi farmer who had been put in charge of NRA farms was ordered by Fred Rwigyema to buy machetes, axes, hammers, hoes, spades, slashers and knives from Jinja Steel Mills, Ssembule Investments and Uganda Bati Co. LTD with labels reading “Made in Rwanda”. He was also ordered to hand all the purchase to Paul Kagame and Mugisha Muntu. Byemalo and Kalyegyeya took charge of the delivery.

In 1987 Jim Muhwezi and Moses Kigongo started a clandestine program of recruiting Tutsis and Hima from Bulemezi, Singo, Gomba, Butambala, Mawogola and other areas of Buganda who were trained at ISO school near Entebbe. At the same time, Kahinda Otafire, Kiiza Besigye, Amanya Mushega and Kale Kahihura were recruiting Tutsis and Hima in Bushenyi, Ntungamu, Mbarara, Rukungiri and Kabale and training them at Mirama Hills Detach Center where Mr. Fuluma was in charge of training.

In 1987, the NRA High Command gave two buses to a Mr. Samuel Black, a Kasese businessman, to transport all the trainees from Milima Barracks of Rwenzori Mountain to Kabale where they were received by Mr. Batuma to distribute them in different places inside Rwanda. Another Kasese businessman, Mr. Katoto, was given two buses by NRA to transport trainees from Milama Hills into Rwanda with the help of Mr. Batuma.

Between 1987 and 1989, Moses Kigongo, Mathew Rukikaire, Kakwano and Kaka were authorized by Uganda Government to transport people, weapons and all equipment which were kept at ISO stores and at Basiima House from Uganda to Rwanda. Those equipments were distributed to their men who were already stationed inside Rwanda.

Museveni took power in 1986. He placed Tutsi men in total control of the Ugandan military which was going to be used as staging ground. They control numerous other strategic and powerful positions in Uganda, so that neither political nor military opposition could rise up against their sinister plans. On the military side, many of their commanders received advanced military training abroad, particularly the USA and UK.

RPF collaborating with a cadre of Tutsis inside Rwanda scouted the countryside. They took young Tutsi kids out of school and brought them to Kigali for the purpose of agitating for jobs. Those kids were anywhere between 11 and 17 years old. They were promised, according to eye witnesses, to return to their schools after RPF takes power. Those young people terrorized Kigali in many ways demanding employment which the Habyarimana Government could not offer. That gave the Tutsi political opposition more ammunition against the Hutu leadership for having failed the economy.


The decision to invade Rwanda was made soon after Tutsis were dethroned in 1959/60 and arrived in Uganda as refugees thereafter. From that time, they carried numerous attempts to take over power by forces. At the same time they tried galvanizing public opinion against the Hutu dominated regime, but yield limited results. The FRONASA groups which was formed in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania was the one to come up with a winning strategy when it took advantage of political anarchy, to which they significantly contributed, in Uganda and thus opted to taking over that country and in turn use it as a staging ground to invade Rwanda.

The actual preparation for the RPF invasion of Rwanda started in 1985 while NRM was still fighting in Luwere before taking power in January 1986. The NRA High Comand composed of Yoweri Myseveni, Salim Sareh, Fred Rwigyema, David Tinyefunza, Jim Muhwezi, Paul Kagame, Moses Kigongo, Kiiza Besigye, Kahinda Otafire, formed a committee which will organize the invasion of Rwanda soon after NRM/NRA takes over Uganda. That committee included the following: Fred Rwigyema, David Tinyefunza, Mugisha Muntu, Jim Muhwezi, Paul Kagame, Shef Ali,Matteka, Byensi, and Biganja. By the end of 1985, more than 3,000 Tutsi/Hima had completed their military training at Mulima Barracks, a secret place in the Rwenzori Mountain.

After Museveni took over power, he invited President Habyarimana to be the guest of honor at a military ceremony whereby ranks were awarded to senior NRA officers. During that meeting, Museveni asked Habyarimana to allow three senior NRA military officers to join the Rwandan Army but that request was rejected. The officers were Fred Rigyema, Mugisha Muntu and Paul Kagame. Museveni furtherrequested Habyariman to allow ordinary Tutsi soldiers from the NRA to join the Rwandan Army; that too was turned down. Finally Museveni asked Habyarimana to allow ordinary Tutsi civilians to return to Rwanda on a gradual basis. That was accepted on the basis that that those returnees have no criminal record.

Towards the end of 1986, Museveni deployed into Rwanda the 3000 soldiers who were trained in Mulima Barracks. They were disguised as civilians and each one was given 300,000 Uganda Shillings as a resettlement fund. This advance team was constantly sending back information about the Rwandan Army and Government.

In 1987, Jim Muhwezi, Director of Internal Security Organization (ISO), appointed Mr. Stehen Ndawula Ssennoga, a Kyambogo Technical College graduate in Communication, to recruit former Kyambogo students into ISO. All recruits were sent to East Germany and Cuba for training in how to operate sophisticated spy equipments. Mr. Kibuka was the leader of those who went to East Germany and Mr. Kayemba led the team that went to Cuba. The two groups returned after 6 months of training and with them were lots of spy equipment which were stored at the ISO headquarters, Nakasero. Stephen Nadura, S. Kweringira, David Kasula and Bosco Kiviri were in charge of those equipments. In December of 1987, ISO bought twelve (12) mobile radios and IFA vehicles which carried them. They also bought 20,000 walk talkies and bugging equipment from East Germany plus 20,000 pistols, 6.71 mm. All those equipments were destined for Rwanda. In early 1987, a Bulemezi farmer who had been put in charge of NRA farms was ordered by Fred Rwigyema to buy machetes, axes, hammers, hoes, spades, slashers and knives from Jinja Steel Mills, Ssembule Investments and Uganda Bati Co. LTD with labels reading “Made in Rwanda”. He was also ordered to hand all the purchase to Paul Kagame and Mugisha Muntu. Byemalo and Kalyegyeya took charge of the delivery.

In 1987 Jim Muhwezi and Moses Kigongo started a clandestine program of recruiting Tutsis and Hima from Bulemezi, Singo, Gomba, Butambala, Mawogola and other areas of Buganda who were trained at ISO school near Entebbe. At the same time, Kahinda Otafire, Kiiza Besigye, Amanya Mushega and Kale Kahihura were recruiting Tutsis and Hima in Bushenyi, Ntungamu, Mbarara, Rukungiri and Kabale and training them at Mirama Hills Detach Center where Mr. Fuluma was in charge of training.

In 1987, the NRA High Command gave two buses to a Mr. Samuel Black, a Kasese businessman, to transport all the trainees from Milima Barracks of Rwenzori Mountain to Kabale where they were received by Mr. Batuma to distribute them in different places inside Rwanda. Another Kasese businessman, Mr. Katoto, was given two buses by NRA to transport trainees from Milama Hills into Rwanda with the help of Mr. Batuma.

Between 1987 and 1989, Moses Kigongo, Mathew Rukikaire, Kakwano and Kaka were authorized by Uganda Government to transport people, weapons and all equipment which were kept at ISO stores and at Basiima House from Uganda to Rwanda. Those equipments were distributed to their men who were already stationed inside Rwanda.

Museveni took power in 1986. He placed Tutsi men in total control of the Ugandan military which was going to be used as staging ground. They control numerous other strategic and powerful positions in Uganda, so that neither political nor military opposition could rise up against their sinister plans. On the military side, many of their commanders received advanced military training abroad, particularly the USA and UK.

RPF collaborating with a cadre of Tutsis inside Rwanda scouted the countryside. They took young Tutsi kids out of school and brought them to Kigali for the purpose of agitating for jobs. Those kids were anywhere between 11 and 17 years old. They were promised, according to eye witnesses, to return to their schools after RPF takes power. Those young people terrorized Kigali in many ways demanding employment which the Habyarimana Government could not offer. That gave the Tutsi political opposition more ammunition against the Hutu leadership for having failed the economy.Many Hutus who were lured back into Rwanda from the Goma as a result of radios announcements and pamphlets distributed in refugee camps were slaughtered by RPF soldiers soon after they entered the country. Others who made it to their original homes found their houses occupied by Tutsis and were forced to be slaves or servants of the new owners. At Kibeho in southern Rwanda, many returning refugees were slaughtered by RPF under the command of James Ruzibiza, who later went to Congo with Kabila and headed Agence Nationale de Renseignement, a killer squad that massacred thousands of Hutu in refugee camps in Eastern Congo burying them in mass graves.

Such mass killing of civilians continued during the period of invasion while the world community, and especially Uganda, USA and Britain were amassing more support, training, arms, funds and favorable propaganda and disinformation campaign for RPF. The U.S. Committee for Refugees Inc. (a misnomer name) based in Washington DC run by Roger Winters, became a virtual command post for RPF external operations. It was the center of external operations conducting logistical management, disinformation propaganda and all sorts of political intelligence activities for RPF with almost unlimited funds from dubious sources in the USA. Professional liars, such as Ms. Alison DeForge were constantly paraded by this agency of deception. Another person with excellent connections was Catherine Watson who wrote beatifying articles for RPF. The RPF propaganda arsenal included Ms. Monique Mujawamariwa, who was seconded to Roger Winters by RPF high command. She was launched on speaking tours by Roger Winters which culminated into an audience in the White House on April 22, 1994 with Mr. Anthony Lake, National Security Advisor to the President. She used to show a scar in her face which she got some years back as a result of a car accident. She claimed that is was caused by a machete attack by Hutu killers, which she survived!


In April of 1996, a British investigative journalist and author of “Murders in the Mist”, Nick Gordon, revealed that the RPF regime of Paul Kagame was operating petroleum-fueled crematoriums at several locations in Rwanda. The victims were Hutu men women and children. This revelation was later confirmed by a highly placed official in Kigali, when I asked him during his visit to USA late that year. Unfortunately that person was later killed by RPF because he was a high ranking official in the Judiciary. They were incinerating over 2000 bodies a day. The U.S. military which is stationed nearby knew of it but has kept silent. What is even more frightening is the revelation that the crematorium at Nyungwe forest is run by a garrison who were trained by U.S. military officers. It is further alleged that the crematorium at Byumba, which is disguised as a “Water Supply and Rehabilitation of Refugees Project” was built by Americans as was the one at Gabiro. In an interview with a former prisoner who escaped from Kami military prison said that soon after he escaped, he hid in the homes of local people nearby who told him of a horrible stench which smells like burning flesh was in the air daily.[5]

Consequently, the Clinton Administration proposed to set up a so called RAPID DEPLOYMENT FORCE (RDP), a roving army of foot soldiers from various African countries which shall be trained, armed and commanded by Americans. This force was intended to remove undemocratic dictators and those brutes who violet human rights. Who would decide which dictator to be removed and under which criteria could such determination be based? Nonetheless, this is similar to what Amin Parsha and Capt. Lugard had at the time of colonizing Africa.

While the RDF did not receive wide acceptability as was anticipated, the Tutsi Armies of Uganda, Rwanda and Burundi, which derive their survival from America’s support, are playing the same role as RDF was intended for. They were deployed into Congo to serve American interests. They were sent to Iraq when most nations of the world felt there was no justification for war. Recently Rwandan troops were sent to the troubled region of the Sudan purporting to be peace-keepers. A human rights investigator from Canada informed me that Rwandese troops posing as peace-keepers in Darfur region raid refugee camps in the night killing people and put the blame on the Sudanese army.

The U.S. sent a Commando Force of about 800 soldiers to assist RPF army to consolidate and pacify Rwanda. We also learned that U.S. soldiers stationed in Rwanda are not supposed to inform their families where they are stationed. The ones who have died in action in Rwanda and Congo are reported as having died accidentally in military exercises at U.S. bases in Italy or other countries.

The American corporate/military role in the criminal cabal operating in Africa has performed a marriage of convenience with the Tutsi junto. Each side is vehemently protecting the other, manipulating the media and international organizations, including the UN. They distort facts and truth to cover up their criminal actions, and also carry out joint adventures, as we have mentioned above.

Case in point is the U.S.A. putting a $25 million bounty on the head of Mr. Felicien Kabuga, using American taxi payers’ money for no legitimate reason other than serving Kagame’s criminal interests, and possibly American interest, to loot Kabuga’s property in Kigali. Mr Kabuga owns a nice 5 story office building in Kigali which houses the U.S. Embassy, and the UN offices and other international organizations. It is indicated that U.S. Embassy wants to own the entire building and has no intention of paying rent to a Hutu who is disliked by a Tutsi regime which they came to protect at any cost. They falsely accused Kabuga of financing Hutu resistance and exile political opposition to RPF regime.

At the same time, the U.S.A. has Mr. Valens Kajeguhakwa in a Florida prison on charges ofoffinancing a rebel group called RPF with funds from his former commercial activities and recently from a commercial bank he controlled in Kigali. Interestingly, Mr. Kajeguhakwa is a rich Tutsi who was a close friend of President J. Habyarimana. Mr. Kajeguhakwa’s business interests included a major import of fuel into Rwanda competing with BP-FINA. He controlled one of the Commercial Bank which in turn invested heavily in Kigali real estate. Hence many posh homes in Kigali were financed by this man’s bank, most of which have not been paid for but their original owners. Those owners are either dead or in exile causing a reversion of the titles to the bank which held the mortgages. Mr. Kajeguhakwa also used his friendship with President Habyarimana to feed RPF invaders with valuable information on the Kigali regime. Upon RPF victory in 1994, many of those Tutsis took those nice homes without paying for them. The owner tried to claim his lawful dues but to no avail. One of those houses was taken by Mr. Kagame’s mother. That man fled Rwanda because he insisted on demanding his lawful financial dues from Kigali rulers whom he accuses of embezzling his properties. In turn the USA has silenced by fraudulently charging him with “stealing money from a commercial bank in Kigali and financing a criminal organization called RPF”.

If indeed the US court in Fla. believes that financing RPF was criminal, then American officials themselves plus Museveni of Uganda for their extensive support of “RPF criminal organization” which includes its financing. Their contribution to the crime includes training, arming, supporting in every away including sending their own soldiers to assist in carrying out criminal acts jointly with RPF.


I commend the UN for establishing this Tribunal for the purpose of seeking the truth and rendering justice in the Rwanda tragedy. In a country like Rwanda which has been torn apart by ethnic violence, any attempt to find a lasting solution cannot serve its purpose without revealing the total truth.

In pursuit of this noble mission, it is not only fair to the people of Rwanda but also to the whole world community and Africa in particular, to admit that the first crime committed against the country of Rwanda and her people was the RPF invasion which started on October 1, 1990. The people who carried out that invasion plus Ugandan leaders who sponsored it and the United States who collaborated substantially in this criminal act must answer for their actions. The world community and UN in particular should have responded to this invasion in the same manner and style as it did when Iraq invaded Kuwait if it is going to live up to its name and mission in the world community. Otherwise the UN is like what I read in that old book “Animal Farm”: all comrades are equal but some are more equal.

Thousands of innocent civilians were slaughtered by RPF invaders, particularly in Northern Rwanda, between October 1990 and April 1994. The killers cannot and should not be bypassed from facing justice.

We have seen highly fabricated and orchestrated piles of lies concocted by men and women in high positions of leadership with a chorus of field operatives whose sole objective to sodomize truth, protect the criminals and demonize the victims.

The true criminals who should be tried here are the members of the criminal cabal, namely: Museveni and his NRM government, Kagame and his RPF junta, the United States Government under President Bill Clinton and his vanguard which includes William Perry, Mardelene Albright, former Congressman Harry Johnston, Roger Winters, Alison DeForge who was their Senior Propagandist.


Remigius Kintu

President of Uganda Democratic Coalition

September 1998

Tutsi forces from Rwanda and Uganda, supported by the U.S.A., invaded Zaire, now Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), in August of 1998 to overthrow President Kabila whom they installed into power a year ago.

One may recall that Mobutu was put in power by the CIA in 1965. At independence he was a Sargent in the Colonial Army called "La Force Publique". He worked closely with American and Belgian agents in assassinating Prime Minister P. Lumumba. During Mobutu's 32 year dictatorship, foreign corporations mostly from the USA and Europe plundered Zaire's abundant natural wealth of timber, ivory, gold, diamond, platinum, copper and numerous other minerals. Zaire's pre-independence meager infrastructure decayed and collapsed totally while foreign agents were mercilessly plundering. They shared the spoils with their local guard (Mobutu) only to single him out later for corruption when he was no longer useful to them. No mention was ever made about foreign agents who corrupted and supported him for those years.

The Zairean people tirelessly protested and condemned, to no avail, the CIA's role in sustaining Mobutu's dictatorship. As he was approaching his death, due to multiple illnesses, American agents hurriedly looked for a replacement. They planned his overthrow using Tutsi troops from Uganda and Rwanda. U.S. military advisors planned and managed the invasion. They had others camped at Goma during the invasion. They provided weapons, funds and disinformation propaganda. Washington, London and Pretoria played the role of hidden "command centers". Corporations, notably, S.G. Warburg - a merchant bank in London, De Beer - a famous mining company of South Africa, American Mineral Fields Inc. of Hope, Arkansas, several other American mining and oil companies were in the forefront negotiating secret deals with invaders and grabbing mineral-rich real estate in eastern Congo, looting gold and other minerals. American Mineral Fields Inc. is highly connected to President Clinton.

The truth inevitably leaked out that Tutsis from Uganda and Rwanda had invaded Zaire. The Catholic Bishop of Bukavu who made this accusation more credible was subsequently beheaded by the invaders. Hence, the cabal decided to camouflage the invasion by making it look like an internal armed uprising against Mobutu. They named themselves BANYAMULENGE - a tribe which does not exist in Congo. They brought Laurent D. Kabila a native of Katanga who had fled Mobutu's dictatorship, living in Tanzania and paraded him as the leader of a concocted "internal armed revolt" of Banyamulenge and other tribesmen. U.S media unleashed a barrage of propaganda worldwide amplifying those lies and the trick worked.

It has been revealed that Kabila signed secret deals with members of the cabal in order to obtain that position. Deals included curving off vast chunks of mineral-rich land to be exclusive properties of foreign corporations. This meant giving away entire Kasai, Katanga, North and South Kivu provinces plus the Atlantic coastal area which is floating on oil. In this neo-colonial grand plan, Tutsis, who are minority in each of these countries, are destined to be local rulers throughout the region to protect and defend foreign interests against nationals. Thus, Tutsis were promised to receive (and indeed they have received) American military training, finance and favorable media coverage worldwide in exchange for their service as a roving neo-colonial force. National boundaries are rendered obsolete. The cabal assumed the right to choose rulers as they wish. Although Kabila claimed to be in charge after taking over from Mobutu, the Tutsis were actually in charge. The army was composed of and controlled by Tutsis from Rwanda and Uganda. Most of the government administration was also manned by the same. The controlling Tutsis carried out their own agenda, such as the extermination of thousands of Rwandese Hutu refugees in Congo and made Kabila cover up their (Tutsi) crimes before an outraged world community. They tortured, abused, mistreated and killed local political leaders, including those who had opposed Mobutu's dictatorship.


A highly placed contact in Kinshasa revealed that Kabila reneged on the secret deals with the cabal and that cost him their support. Consequently, American agents, Museveni and Kagame met in Kampala early this year and decided to eliminate Kabila and replace him with another puppet who will obey their orders. It is further revealed that the French also agreed to go along with this plot.

The plan was to arrest Kabila and Commander John Numbe, charge them with fictitious crimes of treason in order to justify killing them. In July of 1998, James Kabarebe, a Rwandese Tutsi who had become Congo's Army Chief of Staff, requested for an appointment with President Kabila. Prior to entering the President's office, Kabarebe was found with a hidden pistol which had a silencer mounted on it.

The full story of the plot to assassinate President Kabila was uncovered. His reaction was to expel all Tutsis from his government and ordered their return back to Rwanda and Uganda. When the order was carried out, Kabila was left virtually alone in his office since all the personnel were Tutsis. More than 90% of the army left with all the weapons and supplies. Foreign currency and most of the local money was taken out of Kinshasa by disgorged Tutsis. The money was put in a newly established Tutsi Bank headquartered in Goma with branches in Kigali, Bujumbula, Kabale, Mbarara and Kampala. Some of them were heard claiming, "we shall return". Indeed they did.

The Congolese people were jubilant about the expulsion. Upon arrival in Goma, Tutsis declared war on Kabila and launched attacks on Congo's eastern towns one by one killing local leaders, influential people, the clergy and anyone who was deemed to be a potential resister. They murdered men, women and children. Others had their eyes plucked out or facial parts cut off.

WHO ARE BANYAMULENGE? The tribal name of Banyamulenge, meaning Tutsis who are citizens of Congo living in South Kivu region, surfaced during the invasion of Zaire by Tutsi troops from Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi in late 1996. In actual fact, this was a politically coined up name to legitimize foreign invasion that overthrew Mobutu's regime. They claimed having lived in that part of Congo/Zaire for over 200 years. That is a total fabrication. Tutsis came into that region as refugees in 1959/60. According to a U.N. document which was confirmed by local elders, a U.N. official wrote in 1961 to Rwandese Refugees reminding them of their status and advising them to stay away from politics. It was written in French and Kinyarwanda. The French version is reproduced here with an English translation.


Refugiés Rwandais,

Vous êtes isolsé en ce moment. Les ponts sont coupés et il y a des barrages sur les routes, et pour cette raison nous ne pourrons pas nous rendre parmi vous. Cependant, nous espérons que le calme reviendra bientôt dans votre région.

En attendant nous vous demandons de rester STRICTEMENT NEUTRES. Vous avez obtenu asile au Congo à condition que vous ne vous ocoupiez en aucune façon de politique. Si quelqu'un vient solicitter votre appui, vous devez répondre qu'en tant qu'étrangers, refugiés et hôtes de le République du Congo, vous ne pouvez pas, VOUS NE DEVEZ PAS prendre part à quelque mouvement politique que ce soit.

Restez calmes. Travaillez, comme vous l'avez fait jusqu'à présent en suivant les conseils de votre agronome. Que chacun reste à son poste, MAIS SURTOUT RESTER EN DEHORS DE TOUTE POLITIQUE.

Le Délégué de la Croix Rouge La Délégué du Haut Commissariat des Nations Unies pour les Refugiés L'Administrateur de l'O.N.U.C.


Dear Rwandese Refugees,

You are isolated at this moment. Bridges have been destroyed and there are barricades on the road. For this reason, we cannot be with you. However, we hope that soon there will be peace and tranquility in your region.

In the meantime, we are asking you to remain TOTALLY NEUTRAL .You have been given asylum in the Congo on condition that you completely abstain from politics. If anyone comes to seek your support, tell him that as foreigners, refugees and guests of the Republic of Congo, you cannot and YOU MUST NOT take part int any political movement.

Be calm. Keep on working as you have done in the past and follow your Agricultural Advisor. Let everyone remain at his/her station, but above all, stay away from politics.

Red Cross Representative
UNHCR Representative

L'Administrateur de l'O.N.U.C.

Furthermore, leaders of this invasion are not even sons of the above refugees but direct transplants from Rwanda and Uganda. A closer look at the self-acclaimed leaders of the "national rebellion" is further proof of their being imposters.

Bizima Karaha (actual name: Bizimana Karahamiheto) formerly Kabila's Foreign Minister, is a Tutsi from Changugu, Southern Rwanda and a key leader of the invasion. He attended a university in Kinshasa. His uncle, Mr. Kajaguhankwa, is a member of Parliament in Rwanda.

James Kabarebe, another Rwandese Tutsi. He commanded the invasion which overthrew Mobutu in 1997. Prior to that, Kabarebe was head of the Rwandese Republican Guard. He later became Congo's Army Chief of Staff until he was expelled. In August, 1998, he led a second invasion of Congo and commanded troops which were airlifted to Matadi by American and French supporters. Kabarebe was wounded in the fighting at Mbanzangungu. He was reportedly airlifted to Brazzaville and later returned to Goma where he died of the wounds and was buried in Kigali. During his funeral, Bizimana was reportedly shot in the arm by an angry Tutsi soldier. He was flown to a hospital in South Africa.

Jackson Nzinza (real name is Nkurunziza) is a Ugandan Tutsi born at Nyakabande, Kisoro in Kigezi, Uganda. He left Makerere University without finishing to join RPF invasion of Rwanda in 1990. According to sources in Kigali, he killed the three Catholic bishops and eleven priests at Kabwayi in 1994. Nkurunziza radioed to Kagame asking for instructions as to what to do with these Hutu churchmen. Kagame replied in Swahili: "FAGIA" meaning: clean up or eliminate, kill!

He was later sent to Nairobi, Kenya as Rwanda's Charge d'affaires with a special mission of killing Rwandese Hutu refugees living in Kenya. He tried to carry out his assignment but the Kenyan Police uncovered his activities. He was recalled and made head of Rwanda's Internal Security Organization - a Gestapo-type of a murder squad until he was re-assigned to invade Zaire in 1996. After the overthrow of Mobutu, this notorious Gestapo became Congo's Chief of National Security and did precisely what he used to do in Rwanda - kill political enemies. He left Congo when Tutsis were expelled and returned to Kigali. Later, he and Kabarebe led troops which were airlifted to Matadi by Americans and French collaborators, in a failed attempt to capture the capital from the west side. Col. Ibingira, a Rwandese Tutsi who commanded the massacre at Kibeho and later became commander of the army in northern Rwanda. He was also among the leaders of the Zaire invasion in 1996 and became Commander of North Kivu after Mobutu was deposed. He carried out special missions of exterminating thousands of Rwandese Hutu refugees in the region. Ibingira returned to Rwanda as head of "Military Security" - a murder squad.

Tutsis are notorious for disguising their identities by changing names. For example, Micomyiza became Mico; Sekamana is Ssekamanya; Gahoza is Kakooza; Ghatoto is Kato. Surumana is Suruma. There are numerous examples of such cases in Congo and Uganda. Of all African people, only Tutsis have the habit of disguising their identities by doing "surgery on their names".


United States military and spy agencies are the major perpetrators of the turmoil in the Great Lakes region using Tutsi minority group as henchmen against the majority people. American military advisors train Tutsis inside Uganda, Rwanda and at several bases in America. U.S. is financing the war, supplying weapons plus providing a barrage of deceptive propaganda worldwide.

Some of the so-called leaders of the Congo crisis were in Washington D.C. during the week of October 12th to 17th. It is understood that they met with officials at the Pentagon, State Department and CIA who assured them that the work of finishing off Kabila before Christmas is moving as scheduled. Yet the U.S. has a law which forbids granting American visa to any person who is involved in an armed uprising to overthrow a legitimate government.

The Pentagon contracted some of their operations to seemingly independent NGOs which are part of the Pentagon chorus, namely Military Professional Resources Inc. (MPRI), Science Application International Corp. (SAIC), Executive Outcomes and DYNCORP. Intelligence reports indicate the presence of foreign mercenaries from MPRI, Sandline of Britain and Executive Outcomes of South Africa having established bases from Lake Tanganyika through Burundi, Rwanda, Uganda, eastern Congo to Central African Republic covering the whole western Rift Valley area which is rich in oil, gas, gold, diamond, platinum, copper iron etc..Most of the mercenary bases are located at or near mining facilities where looting is going on. At the same time, it is reported that a CIA contractor, AIRSCAN INC, of Titusville, Fla. is training Angolan army in Cabinda - putting American hands on both sides of the fence.

Commercial pilots operating in the area identified C-130 and C-5 aircrafts transporting invaders from Kigali and Goma to Matadi. These were undoubtedly American planes. During that time as the invaders temporarily took over Matadi advancing to Kinshasa, three American aircraft carriers were anchored in the Atlantic Ocean not too far from the port of Matadi. Military observers viewed this as being further proof of the Pentagon's deep involvement in Congo. Over 4000 troops plus tanks, APCs, trucks etc..were airlifted. More than half of the invaders were killed. The civilian population played a decisive role in defending their capital. It is estimated that over one thousand invaders were burnt to death by civilians using old car tires placed around the necks. This method is locally known as KAMUNDELE (literally meaning, "barbecuing"). The horror of this execution style was seen by a French helicopter pilot who flew over Kinshasa from Brazzaville to monitor the situation and narrowly escaped being shot down.He is reported as having advised the invaders and foreign supporters to abandon the city since this had become a people's war against the enemies.


Surprisingly, the French sided with the invaders. They participated in providing them with air transport from Goma and Kigali to Matadi and Kinshasa airport. An advance team of invaders was captured near Kinshasa airport by pro-government troops. The captured invaders were forced to signal their colleagues to advance as scheduled. In the process, three French planes landed with more Tutsis troops aboard, weapons and supplies. The French aircrafts were incapacitated and the pilots were interrogated. This incidence was of great embarrassment to the French. However, the damage is expected to be repaired during Kabila's visit to Paris in Nov. 1998.

War prisoners captured in Matadi and Kinshasa are soldiers belonging to the armies of Uganda and Rwanda. Ugandan soldiers interviewed in a Kinshasa prison said that they were told by Tutsi commanding officers that they were going to the Congo border to fight rebels. As soon as they reached the border, they were ordered to enter Congo. They were later put on planes and flown to Matadi by Americans, some of whom they had seen in previous military drills inside Uganda.

The American involvement in the invasion of Congo is the highest crime of terrorism and gross aggression. Their African stooges are killing and maiming thousands of innocent people: men, women, children. (See attached pictures). It makes one wonder how many American people know that some of their government agencies; namely the Pentagon, CIA an State Department are conducting criminal activities in Congo? All the fighting and killings will stop when the U.S. stops its sinister military programs of propping up minority regimes to oppress the majority people.


Dictator Museveni duped Congolese leaders when he persuaded them to form a joint military operation west of Mount Ruwenzori for the purpose of flushing out ADF rebels. This enabled Uganda to deploy troops inside Congo. It was later learnt that their real objective was not to flush out ADF rebels from the mountains as claimed but rather to enter Congo. Soon after the invasion was under way, those troops plus new arrivals captured a number of towns in North Kivu; namely: Beni, Butembo, Bunia. Museveni denied having troops in Congo. Even after his men had taken over those towns, he continued denying it, while sending more, plus 13 tanks all of which captured Isiro and Kisangani. Finally, he admitted that he had troops in Congo to defend Uganda's interests. Besides the already known objective of overthrowing Kabila, the other objective evidently is to loot minerals.

Museveni's men teamed up with white mercenaries and other foreign agents in stealing gold and other minerals from occupied areas of eastern Congo. Small planes have been making frequent flights between Congo and Entebbe bringing gold and other minerals. One plane with top UPDF officers was reportedly overloaded and became disabled on take off at Bunia. On Octrober 13th, high ranking officials from Rwanda, including Kagame's brother, were in London trying to sell an unspecified amount of gold looted from Congo.

The Rwandese, entered Congo and established their headquarters at Goma. They advanced to Bukavu and other areas of South Kivu. They were later joined by a smaller contingency from Burundi, who together with Rwandese, advanced towards Kalemie. Tutsi invaders unleashed horrifying terror to people in South and North Kivu, killing men women and children. (See attached picture from Bukavu). Mass murders of local people: the educated, affluent, religious leaders, local and traditional chiefs were specially targeted for extermination plus any person deemed to oppose Tutsi supremacy. Many families were hacked to death by smashing their heads with hoes as shown in the picture from Bukavu.

The invaders started a program of bringing old Tutsi men directly from Rwanda and Uganda into eastern Congo to be the new cadre of local and traditional chiefs. This is presumed to consolidate Tutsi power in occupied territories. Refugees from that area tell horrible stories of mutilations, mass murders, looting and plundering. In September, two boats carrying Tutsi soldiers reportedly from Burundi sailed on Lake Tanganyika towards the town of Muliro, Congo. Their plan, according to a military informer, was to enter Congo along the Zambia border targeting Lubumbashi. The first boat was captured by Zambian patrol and the invaders were taken to a Lusaka prison. The second boat made a quick u-turn back to Burundi and avoided being captured. President Kabila reacted by calling upon all the people of Congo to defend their nation against invaders. He declared that this war as initiated by Museveni and Kagame must and will be pushed back to Kampala and Kigali were it came from. Kabila further appealed to friendly nations to come and assist his country. Angola, Namibia, Zimbabwe and others responded positively providing him with soldiers and/or weapons. Tanzania which had a team of military officers training a new Congolese army simply pulled out.


Soon after Ugandan troops invaded Rwanda in 1990 under the leadership of Rwigyema and Kagame, the word was out that this was a Tutsi invasion. A few months later, they named the invasion "an internal conflict" and paraded Alex Kanyarengwe, a Hutu opponent of Habyarimana as their leader. Kanyarengwe was used to the maximum in covering up the Tutsi hidden agenda. Once they achieved victory in 1994, he was miserably pushed aside; now languishing under house arrest in Kigali. Another Hutu who was identified as a better stooge, P. Bizimungu, was planted as a straw president when the real leader is Kagame.

Similarly, the Tutsi invasion of Zaire in 1996 was a clear mono ethnic plot with all the trappings of external aggression engineered in Kigali and Kampala. The invaders quickly recruited L.D. Kabila and used him effectively until Mobutu was deposed. However, Kabila was very lucky and witty to disengage himself before they set fire on his rear end. Congo invasion, phase two, is likewise following the same syllabus. The actual leader is Bizimana Karahamiheto. They recruited Wamba diya Wamba who is apolitical and Ondekane who participated in the slaughter of thousands of Hutu refugees in eastern Congo. These men are considered by many to be egocentric and flagrant. They serve one purpose: to make the invasion look like an internal rebel opposition. Those who learn nothing, forget nothing.


The ethnic difference between Tutsis and Bantu has a long and bitter history. However, external manipulations have flared it into an astronomical catastrophe above and beyond the capacity of local means to contain it.

As soon as Tutsis captured eastern Congo, Congolese religious leaders, including the Bishop of Bukavu were among the first casualties. Many priests, nuns and religious brothers were murdered by marauding Tutsis.

There is shocking evidence that Tutsi priests, nuns and other religious persons are turning a blind eye on executions and injustices, assisting the invaders in various ways, and also in directly persecuting non-Tutsi religious persons in their own communities. "Sister Catherine" a Nandi of Bukavu, whose real name is withheld for security, was actively involved in aiding refugees and other victims of the Tutsi hegemony in the area. She provided assistance to people who were escaping marauding invaders. She raised funds from friends and charitable organizations abroad in order to support her humanitarian assistance to the suffering population. She protected the innocent victims of ethnic killings. For these reasons, Tutsi nuns in her own community hated her and fabricated charges of stealing money, corruption and behaving in a manner unfit of a religious person. Finally they demanded her expulsion from the Order until her life was threatened that she run into exile leaving the convent only to Tutsi nuns. Her entire family was slaughtered. She tells of native Congolese priests and other religious persons who have been killed; others are hiding in forests or gone in exile. Their Tutsi counter-parts remain comfortably at their posts, oftentimes covering up the true picture of the situation.

The scandalous activities of Bishop Halem'Imana , former Bishop of Kabale, Uganda, with RPF during the invasion of Rwanda is further proof of the depth of ethnicity. He reportedly turned his residence into a training camp for RPF agents, according to a defector who completed the month-long indoctrination course. RPF officers used his vehicles to carry out their missions oftentimes returning them with blood stains. In 1993 a Tanzanian Evangelist investigated the ethnic conflict in Burundi. He found out that even Christian virtues have not bridged the satanic gap between Tutsis and Hutus. As he delivered his report to a meeting of All African Council of Churches in Nairobi, he concluded that "if the devil belongs to a tribe, it must be Tutsi".


The African people are in a struggle for survival, freedom and self-determination. Political independence is a part of the unfinished agenda. The UN and OAU Charters clearly defend the principle of territorial integrity and strongly condemn armed aggression against member states. None of these organizations has defended the territorial integrity of Rwanda nor of Congo when they were invaded. Neither are the lives of African people been effectively protected as promised in those Charters. The way the UN responds to Bosnia and the way it has handled Congo or Rwanda certainly leaves a lot to be desired.

The invasion of Congo is a tragic event but a wake up call to African states and their leaders. It has exposed the fundamental weaknesses in the OAU as a hollow and hopeless organization incapable of standing up for the people of Africa. Every African leader knows very well that Uganda and Rwanda do not possess the financial and military capacity to wage wars in the region. It is also known that these are proxy warriors for the U.S. neo-colonial interests disguised as the "NEW WORLD ORDER". Yet whenever there is an opportunity to discuss the crisis in the region, most African leaders are afraid of speaking the truth or seek counsel from Washington on the basis of which they will discuss Africa's tragic situations. The real problem is never addressed for fear of angering the powerful criminals, lest foreign aid will be suspended. Yesterday was Rwanda; today is Congo. The next could be any of the neighboring countries.

The fact is that Congo was invaded by Tutsis from Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi backed by USA. These countries are dominated by minority Tutsis who took power by force. The same clique is openly working for foreign interests who have taken upon themselves the right to determine who should rule Congo. It was a grave mistake for Kabila to team up with Tutsis in overthrowing Mobutu. He knew that they were not Congolese. He knew that they had a foreign master whose agenda was detrimental to Africa. Actually, Congolese people, who detested Mobutu's dictatorship, did not fancy his being replaced by a foreign-dominated regime of Tutsis from Rwanda and Uganda.

Some self-acclaimed 'western experts on Africa' have argued that "no country should send troops in Congo to save Kabila's regime for he is a buffoon". Their knowledge of Africa falls short of revealing that Kabila did not have a regime of his own but was riding on a foreign conquering force composed of Tutsis from Rwanda and Uganda. Those "experts" ignore the criminal part played by Uganda and Rwanda who invaded Congo in violation of the UN and OAU Charters. They also omit mentioning the U.S. criminal role in this invasion. Let us face it, Tutsis would not have posed a problem in the region without U.S. involvement.

In the past some of these experts boldly condemned the Pentagon/CIA support for dictator Mobutu and denounced all its false propaganda. They are now resonating the Pentagon/CIA theme of calling the Congo crisis "an internal revolt" when all evidence shows that this is a Pentagon/CIA made "invasion" from Uganda and Rwanda using Tutsis as tools. They also avoid mentioning the genocide which Tutsis are committing in occupied eastern Congo. Museveni warned Ugandans four years that if they continue opposing his government, they will be treated like American Red Indians.

The issue is not whether to defend President Kabila against foreign invaders but rather to defend the national integrity of Congo and save African lives. It is no secret that Rwanda and Uganda are carrying out these barbaric military expeditions in the region on behalf of American interests who want to plunder Africa's mineral wealth and depopulate the land. They display no regard to the lives and welfare of the African people. This is precisely what European companies did in Africa more than a century ago. King Leopold treated the Congo real estate as his personal plantation. American corporations are currently pursuing the same, committing horrendous atrocities by proxy and devouring mineral-rich real estate in the Great Lakes region.

The Congolese people should put aside their differences with Kabila and first defend their nation. The governments of Angola, Zimbabwe, Namibia and others who responded positively to President Kabila's urgent appeal for help because "African brotherhood" is not meant to be hollow words. Other African leaders should to get more serious about defending African lives. Foreign conspirators (whether Americans or Africans) should never be allowed to recruit local surrogates whom they may send out to topple African governments as they wish while the rest of the continent is watching by the sideline.

Tutsis have prostituted themselves to neo-colonial interests against their fellow Africans. They are committing genocide in eastern Congo and one wonders whether the U.N. will institute a SPECIAL GENOCIDE TRIBUNAL for the Tutsi killers of Congolese. The African people are not blind to the ongoing conflict in the region. They know who the criminals are and where their support is coming from. It is very clear to most people that America is supporting Tutsi minority to dominate and exterminate the majority of people. All this is consistent with Kagame's declaration on Radio Rwanda three years ago that he will have no problem "emptying a drum of water using a bottle cap". America has lost respect and honor among Africans.

Along with the United States, South Africa has become a major supplier of weapons to Uganda, Rwanda and Burundi. These weapons are now used in invading and killing innocent people in Congo and throughout the Great Lakes region. South Africa cannot be making blood money through sales of weapons to murderous regimes of Uganda, Rwanda and Burundi who are killing Africans in Congo and at the same time try to mediate for peace. One cannot be against apartheid in South Africa and at the same time turn a blind eye on Tutsi minority sinister campaign to dominate the majority with savage brutality which surpasses that of apartheid South Africa. The defense for human freedom and majority rule cannot be on a pick and choose basis unless one is suffering from voluntary selective amnesia.


Presidents Moi of Kenya, Mkapa of Tanzania recently met with Museveni of Uganda and called for a withdraw of all foreign troops in Congo. Isn't it incredible that neither Moi nor Mkapa could tell Museveni to get out of Congo? It is either hypocrisy or ignorance when respected African leaders avoid condemning Uganda and Rwanda for having invaded Congo and demand their immediate withdraw. It is nauseating to see statesmen tolerating a notorious criminal like Museveni and permitting themselves to listen to his folly.

Inasmuch as that the people who want to topple Kabila are foreign invaders. Museveni had the audacity to advise Kabila to negotiate with those fighting to overthrow his regime. Uganda has more rebel groups who are fighting to overthrow his bad regime than Congo has. Museveni has repeatedly refused to negotiate with rebels. How can he prescribe a medicine which he himself has refused to take?


The Tutsi problem compounded by foreign corporate greed in the region will spare none unless it is handled honestly and decisively. What Angola, Namibia and Zimbabwe have done in Congo is what Zaire, Tanzania, Kenya should have done in Rwanda in 1990 when Uganda invaded. That could have saved over 4 million African lives. Many Kenyans are aware of the danger Museveni and Kagame pose for their country. Tanzania is even more infiltrated by Tutsis, according to internal sources. It is a matter of time for any country in the region to face the bitter reality. When UDC Newsletter predicted the invasion of Zaire and the current Tutsi hegemony some years back, some people rejected it because the writers were not white. That is what colonialism has done to Africans.

European corporations colonized Africa for the purpose of plundering her enormous resources, including human beings. More than a century later, American corporations are repeating what their European counter-parts did in the past. Tutsis, under the leadership of Museveni and Kagame, have submitted their clansmen to be used by neo-colonialists, doing the dirty work of murdering thousands of Africans with guns and money supplied by present day "corporate Lugards and Rhodes" . Colonial masters have always showered their stooges with praises, e.g., new breed of African leaders, the way a hunter praises his dog when it is chasing another fellow animal. Those who do not learn history are bound to repeat it.

There will be peace in Congo and throughout the Great Lakes region if and when United States stops fueling armed conflicts. African people (Tutsis and others) should not let themselves be used by foreign agents to carry out criminal activities on their behalf against fellow Africans. The old cliché of "the devil made me do it" is no excuse. People are responsible for their actions. Tutsis should remember that they are a minority in each of the countries. They cannot afford to be the hired murderers of African people in the region because the situation is bound to change.

African leaders have a special responsibility to think and act as Africans for the benefit of their own people. Those who may think that Rwanda's or Congo's tragedy cannot happen in their own territory better think again. What will they do when the escalating tragedy engulfs their own nations and none comes to their rescue?

Foreign aggression, corporate greed, racism, selfishness and apathy are serious problems. There are many more good persons. The unfortunate reality is that apathy has taken over many that not enough good ones are standing up for righteousness. As more and more good people hide in the shelter of apathy, it gives a chance for the work of evil people to prevail on the stage of human society causing incredible suffering to innocent people as is being witnessed in East Africa today.The choice is clear. Will African leaders be truly African, standing by, with and for their people or will they be serving foreign interests even to the detriment of Africa?



The Lord’s Resistance Movement/Army (LRM/A) was formed several years into the NRM/A government of Museveni, following the surrender of the Uganda People’s Democratic Movement/Army (UPDM/A) in 1990, under the leadership of Otema Alimadi (RIP), former Prime Minister in Milton Obote’s government of 1980-85. The following year (1991) however, Museveni dishonored the peace accord signed with Allimadi resulting in the arrests of several former UPDM/A commanders who were subsequently killed in cold blood. One such commander was Lt Col Kilama, a senior UPDM/A Brigade commander killed along with ten of his bodyguards in Jinja. Others, included officers like Lt Col Ochero Nagai, Chief of Operations Commander of the UPDM/A, Lt John Oketa, Accounts Officer, Capt Stephen Odong, Paymaster general and hundreds more we shall enlist in a separate document, were all killed in cold blood.

In addition to the murders of these officers, there were widespread and indiscriminate arrests and killings of hundreds of innocent civilians within northern Uganda alone. It became therefore, absolutely necessary to stop this gross human rights abuses in order to protect our vulnerable civilian population from these arbitrary arrests, summary executions, massacres, and rapes of men, women and underage children. These extremely degrading maltreatments generated so much anger amongst ordinary civilians to the point some willingly offered to fight the NRA even with their bare hands. As a result, in 1993, a group without an officially agreed name yet, resolved to provide this essentially and an absolutely necessary protection to the civilian population in the region; even if this meant continuing to fight without guns and ammunitions, following the surrender of UPDA with all their weapons to the government. It was for the very same reasons that people from their villages were seen using stones, sticks, axes and bows and arrows to fight the government troops. This method, and of course, the weapons used however, were very basic and ineffective during the early days of the war.

This instinctive reaction of the locals, coupled with their use of poor weapons became the mockery of Museveni’s regime. Western press became the “Pipe Pipers” in leading Museveni’s war machine and propaganda campaign, claiming that the Acholi were smearing their bodies with human excrement so that the bullets cannot go through their bodies. Yet it was this propaganda of demonizing and dehumanizing the people to the outside world which was a camouflage for mass genocide of civilians by government soldiers who were themselves taking orders from the highest person in government, Museveni himself. As a result of this constant and persistent dehumanization and demonisation of the rebellion, hundreds of thousands of civilians were helplessly and wastefully massacred by government troops. Most of the civilians were killed in cold blood during government operations. Gersony in his report blames key officers, such as Gen. David Tinyefunza for most of the atrocities, but we believe that Tinyefunza was just a messenger; a loyal officer carrying out the orders of his commander-in-chief, Yoweri Museveni.

Another element in Museveni’s war of extermination of our people was to deliberately infect as many people as possible with the Aids virus. Mass rapes of men, women, and children were carried out on a wide scale in broad daylight. In the Acholi, like in most African cultures, men never sleep with men, children never have sex before 18, and married women never have sex outside their marriages. Sadly and regrettably, HIV infection rate is now three times the national average in Acholi and Lango, a region that was in the 1980’s completely free from HIV/Aids.

It was after 1994, that the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRM/A) was created and officially announced. This came about as a result of the world community doing absolutely nothing about the killings in the Acholi sub-region. The entire tribe was left exposed to Museveni to slaughter and eliminate as painfully as he could. During these desperate days it was only natural that everybody turned to God for help. This is how the name Lord’s Resistance Movement came into being. It has nothing to do with the fanatical Christian faith. It was now felt and hoped that God’s miracles would help the LRA sustain a strong resistance to Museveni against the background of strong government as well as Western propaganda. It became even more feasible as the LRA continued to capture many assorted weapons from NRA, now UPDF and became the formidable and invincible force we now know.

The name Lord’s Resistance Army itself brought about the birth of yet another propaganda and misinformation. The most widely used one is that the Lord Resistance Army wants to rule Uganda according to biblical laws, the Ten Commandments. Certainly some Western countries have got political as well as civil organizations in their own countries with similar names, like the German Christian Democratic Union. Why aren’t similar derogatory things being said about such associations, like they are going to govern their countries or manage their affairs according to the Ten Commandments? The LRM/A is not a religious organization as the press has portrayed it. We would like therefore, to emphasize that we are neither Christian fanatics, nor do we endorse such an ideology as a means of providing simple-social justice for Ugandans.

Castigating ones enemy as barbaric has been a tried and proven tactic since time immemorial. Blaming the victim is nothing new as a political and military strategy. To justify the use of inhuman means to quash ones enemy, it is natural to first paint him as a monster so that one does not feel any compassion for him. In modern parlance this is called psychological warfare - the war of words and also the first casualty of any war.

The negative propaganda unfortunately, simply acts as an encouragement for Museveni to carry out his pogrom - to wipe out our people. The Acholi have somehow become modern day Red Indians, not of North America, but of northern Uganda. Great institutions like the Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, UNICEF, etc have all fallen into being used as tools for Museveni’s mass murders. On September 18, 1997, the former two organizations were given a government party at Nile Hotel Complex. This is evident in itself that these two organizations – Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch are institutions that the suffering masses in Africa cannot rely on for help. They have become tools of oppression. See page A.A commentary in The Monitor, a Ugandan Newspaper with a worldwide circulation, written by David Kibirige tells you all that you want to know. It also exposes the depth of involvement of these organizations with the murderous regime of Museveni. They are all out there to get blood money.

All these four important great institutions have not mentioned anywhere in their respective reports the Concentration Camps in Acholi. The appalling conditions under which nearly 2 million people live in these camps, offer yet another method of the extermination of the people in this region. There are over 30 deaths of children and elderly people every day in each of these camps. Life in these camps is characterized by rampant rape of women, children and men. Summary arrests are the order of the day. Neither have any western governments come out to condemn Museveni. Yet up to this day, the West is still speaking with great passion about the evils of Nazi’s concentration camps. Monuments were built in memory to those who perished in the death camps. Yet the IDP camps in Uganda were created for the same ill intention, they are real death camps. We see that what the NRM/A are doing to us (extermination of our people) in these camps is a repeat of just what the Nazis did to the Jews.

Museveni cannot fool the people of Uganda anymore; as we have always maintained, he is the brain behind this continuing war and pogrom. Never again are we going to be too involved with our culture to the destruction of our people’s survival. This war has been forced on us. We never wanted it. We will fight now until genuine peace can be achieved. This peace shall come not only for the people of the north but also for all the people of Uganda. Over the past year LRM/A has taken a national shape in which the military is now composed of all the tribes of Uganda and it is truly a national Army. Equally important is the fact that the LRM leadership is now fully a national one, composed of nearly all the nationalities in Uganda. This is a completely new development we are very proud of that has neither been reported nor realized under any single previous rebel group or organization.

It is important that we make ourselves known to the world community. Lord’s Resistance Movement is an organization that was formed in 1994. It is not the same organization as Alice Lakwena’s Holy Spirit Movement (HSM), because it was defeated in 1990. Lord’s Resistance Movement is not even a continuation of Uganda Peoples Democratic Movement (UPDM), since it had surrendered to the government of Museveni in 1990. The LRM/A is not a continuation of Lakwena Two (a movement that was founded by Alice Lakwena’s uncle) either, because this group too was defeated way back in 1992. During the rebel activities of UPDM/A, HSM and Lakwena II stretching over the first eight years of NRM/A rule, the LRM/A was non-existent. The LRM/A has been fighting now for the past eleven years. So the misguided and false reporting in national as well as international press that the LRA for the past eighteen years has abducted over eight thousand children it is not correct. This is where the western media has missed out the point. Those rebel groups, which fought the NRM/A regime during its first eight years in power, have all surrendered to Museveni. However, young officers who refused to surrender to the government formed the Lord’s Resistance Movement. Their first commander was Ben Nono Opiro. He worked very hard until his capture by Uganda government. He had participated in a failed coup against Museveni in 1994. He escaped from prison in 1997 and rejoined the LRA. After Opiro’s capture, the LRM/A leadership was handed over to Joseph Kony who up to now has carried out the struggle very successfully. He has become a household name in Museveni’s murder campaign on the people of Acholi. Under his leadership, the LRM/A struggle has grown from strength to strength following the reorganization of the movement.

Since the establishment of the LRM/A there has been great strife to integrate the LRA into a new a national army. Right now the LRA hierarchy is composed of all the various tribes of Uganda. This kind of development is always very welcome by the LRM/A leadership. The LRA is a well-disciplined army comparable to none. It takes great heart to accept people who, not long ago, participated actively in the mass massacres of our people. In spite of this, we have accepted them and will continue to do so. We clearly know the great risk they take in order to join us. Their acknowledgement of the LRM/A’s primary objective, coupled with their overwhelming feeling of brotherhood have a case and that we are interested in peace for all the people Uganda. LRA neither discriminates against anybody, nor does it practise sectarianism within its rank and file. We strongly believe in one country, one nation, and one society. It is important that we respect one another. The only one Uganda is large enough and has unlimited resources for us all.

Museveni now knows that war does not offer solutions to deep-rooted political and economic problems as his simplistic socialist ideology taught him. All that Marxist concept of winning the war and bringing peace throughout the country in a flash has evaporated. Museveni is facing the real world now, than ever before. We are coming by hook or crook; we shall reach Kampala by the same token. LRM/A by its birth, nature of operations and sustenance is a peasant revolution, which seeks to overthrow the corrupt system of government in Uganda. LRM/A is the people’s crusade against the sectarian and divisive government in Uganda. LRM/A is the people’s organization and the people’s voice in Uganda and beyond. We shall consider the interests of our fellow Ugandans first though, before anyone else; this is our motto.

Museveni: Addicted to Wars, Violence and Killings

It is a well-established fact that Museveni has always firmly believed in violence as a means to acquiring and retaining of power. As a student in the University of Dar-Es-Salaam in 1969, Museveni wrote an essay in which he extensively quoted the French author, Franz Fanon’s ‘The Wretched of the Earth’. The particular quote on which he placed disproportionate emphasis was:

“Violence alone, violence committed by the people, violence organised by its leaders, makes it possible for the masses to understand social truths and gives the key to them”. Since then, Museveni has believed in the supremacy of violence. Democracy has never featured in his vocabulary in his single-minded pursuit for power.

The continued use of violence as a means of, allegedly, liberating people is deeply embedded in the political thinking of Lt. Gen. Museveni as a person and the NRM/A as a movement. Suffice it for us to cite examples to illustrate the point. Museveni’s political and philosophical concept is encapsulated in some of his utterances and writings, besides being gleaned from the utterances of his surrogates like Karushoke and many others quoted below.

Although a lot of allegations have been made accusing the LRA of committing numerous atrocities against innocent civilians, the truth is that nearly all these massacres are being planned and orchestrated by the NRA (now UPDF) and its leader, Museveni. Museveni is the brain behind it. He is a psychopathic killer - a genocidaire. That is precisely what he has been doing to the Acholis, Langis, Itesots and many other fellow Ugandans for the last 19 years.

According to Dr A.M. Obote, Museveni would dress some of his insurgents (NRA in Luwero) in official army uniform and send them to attack villages, kill people so that the villagers would think it was the army (the UNLA). Then he would send another group of his insurgents wearing rags and would go to the ransacked village and say, “What has happened? It is the UNLA doing that. If you stay here they will kill all of you. Please come with us and we will protect you.” This was one of the methods Museveni used to recruit child soldiers - by first killing their parents.

There are hundreds and hundreds of testimonies from victimized people in Luwero and NRA defectors who are now coming forward with the truths. All of them talk about these horrendous stories of suffering in the hands of the NRA. Even more revealing are testimonies of Museveni’s own senior colleagues in the struggle who have begun to boast openly about these killings.

Otafiire boasted of the “tricks” NRA employed to win support in Luwero, but also revealed the sinister side of Museveni and his insurgents.(Dr A.M. Obote) Take the example of Pecos Kutesa. He had an interview with William Pike on Capital Radio in Kampala in 1995 in a program called Desert Island Discs. He told Pike that he was in UNLA but as an NRA infiltrator whose mission was to undermine the credibility of the army from within. (Dr A..M. Obote)

Pecos Kutesa’s testimony is instructive of how Museveni personally orchestrated the killings of innocent people and the harassment of civilians not just in Luwero but other parts of Uganda as well during the 1980s. His testimony is also important because it fits very well with what Otafiire and Lt. Gen. Elly Tumwine have confessed. Museveni employs atrocities against civilians to achieve military victory, but in a more subtle way by ensuring that his adversary instead takes blame for Museveni’s atrocities. He will employ any level of violence; commit any amount of atrocities to block a democratic process that may get him out of power. That is what he did in Luwero to get power. That is what he is doing right now in northern Uganda to retain political power.

One of the most popular marching songs of the NRA (now UPDF), which was constantly, put on the national radio (moto na waka) goes like this – ‘When you reach Kumi, you bomb; when you reach Soroti, you bomb; when you reach Lira, you bomb; when you reach Gulu/Kitgum, you burn completely. Following the NRA victory in Kampala, there were reports that many Acholis with absolutely no connection with the previous military regime and who did not quickly flee the city were ‘necklaced’ with burning tyres.

Lt. Gen. Museveni and the leading ideologues of the NRM/A philosophy have never hidden their distaste for democracy and respect for human rights: soon after Museveni captured power, BBC Panorama programme rushed to interview Museveni at the Nile Mansion Hotel, Kampala. During the interview Museveni startlingly revealed that he was unaware of the Geneva Conventions on war and the provisions, which relate to whether or not children under 16 can bear arms! His reaction was, “What are the Geneva Conventions on war? I have never read them” (Broadcast in March 1986).

In the battle at a place called Corner Kilak, this is how Museveni described the massacre of both civilians and resistance soldiers;

“The rebels came wild, singing and shouting; our people (NRA) massacred those chaps; they approached our troops frontally. This gave us a very good chance because they exposed themselves; on Sunday (14th Jan 1987) we surrounded them and massacred them. We massacred them very badly” (The Standard 21st Jan 1987).

The then Deputy commander, Late Fred Rwegema had this to say; “We killed 350 and these are the bodies we have counted. There are many more bodies lying in the field. These are the ones we have counted so far. The number of the dead could be more than 600.. We were surprised to see the rebels coming at us without taking cover. We kept on massacring them but they kept coming and we killed so many”. The Standard 21st Jan 1987).

A government, which uses civilians, as a human shield for its army in operations does not deserve world support! Governments and human rights organizations, which have given praise to the NRM/A regime, for signing a number of Human Rights Conventions and protocols, should re-examine their attitude to a regime, which pulls wool over their eyes by signing conventions to which she does not adhere.

The Museveni regime, army and auxiliary intelligence organs have been responsible for expanding the vocabulary of torture because of the morbid, gruesome and unique methods used. The new words added to the literature on torture are: “Kandoya”, “brief case” and “three piece suit”. All the three methods involve typing, tightly, the hands of the victim, both at the wrist and elbow behind him and then extending the rope to loop up with the rope with which the legs are tied. The victim curls up into the shape of a wheel. The tightness of the ropes sometimes caused the victims chest to burst open. The name “brief case” came about because, like a brief case with a handle, the victim could at times be hung up onto a hook and left to dangle like a carcass. Few victims survive such torture and if any do they are crippled.

It is therefore no wonder that when questioned about torture, Lt. Gen. Museveni had this to say:

“I don’t know about torture. I have educated myself on many things but on torture I have not known the boundary between what is torture and what isn’t torture. I know the NRA tie these people (rebels etc.) when they catch them. They tie their hands backwards. I am now told that it is torture. It is the traditional method”. (Daily Nation of Nairobi 26/1/87).

Ignorance has never been a defence in law. The NRM/A and Lt. Gen. Museveni cannot hide behind it. There is no such tradition in Uganda! Not even animals are tied to the point of paralysis.

When appearing before a Human Rights Commission the Director of Uganda’s National Resistance Army (NRA) School at Entebbe, Commander Kajabago Karushoke, said that,

“Uganda could be categorised into two: People and what he called ‘biological substances’. Explaining the categorisation he said, people comprised peasants, farmers, workers, and a small fraction of intellectuals’

“All others are biological substances who should be eliminated”. He went on to add that the NRA aims to eliminate all those who stand in the way of the revolution. The NRA did not consider those opposed to it as human beings …

As far as the NRM was concerned ballot boxes were the guns and ballot papers the bullets. Elections were useless and unnecessary because the NRM knows what is good for the people” (see Standard No. 22776 Nairobi Saturday 15 August 1987).

When Museveni’s language against opponents is punctuated by expressions like:

“We shall wipe them out” (The Standard, Nairobi 15.8.87)

“We shall assassinate and use terror…. We shall crush them” (see The Independent of 20.1.88)

(A recorded witness account of the massacre of the Holy Spirit Movement army of Alice Lakwena in Jinja is not quoted here for the need to protect the source of the information).

There was no policy of scorched earth. There has never been such policy. What was there was a policy to destroy food stocks that were assisting the rebels.” (See The New Vision 27.6.89),

“Speculation about an impending coup was simply empty talk. No one can overthrow a revolutionary government. If anybody tried, he would end up six feet underground..” (Lt. Gen Museveni as reported by Radio Uganda, 28th, October 1989)”

Another notorious NRM/A commander, Tinyefunza said, “ the NRA took few captives, because most of them (enemies) were simply sent to heaven (The Citizen wee ending 22nd May 1991).

When President Lt. Gen. Museveni, Commander-in-Chief of NRA, and Minister of Defence and Chairman of Internal and External Security Committees professes ignorance of Geneva Conventions, it is no wonder that one of his surrogates, the Minister of State for Defence, Maj. Gen. Tinyefunza, talked openly of” taking few Captives” in war and impudently told the journalists that,

“I would not mind killing 700 or 7000 if they behave in such a manner as to become military targets.” (The Citizen, Vol. 7 No. 45 week ending 22 May 1991)

Or when yet another surrogate the 310 Brigade Administrative Officer, Lt. Kanyarutokye, disclosed how civilians in operations against UPA in Teso would be used as a human shield:

“The people, the local Defence Forces (LDFs) will lead the operation while the NRA will follow from behind.. The ordinary people will be armed with pangas, spears and clubs while the NRA will be armed with guns” (Vol. 6 No. 114 Wednesday 15 May 1991 – New Vision).

Amnesty International Reports, the United States Department of State reports to Congress; Human Rights Watch reports, the Uganda Law Society Reports and the Association of the Bar of the City of New York report of the Committee on International Human Rights, have all condemned the NRM/A regime for carrying out acts of extra-judicial executions, torture and illegal detentions, besides confirming that:

Ordinary civilians have been forced into grass thatched houses and burned alive, and any attempting to escape have been shot to death;

Men, women and children (both boys and girls) have been raped by the NRA whilst other members of the family watch (see Weekly topic 11 January 1991);

Food stocks for the “wanainchi” in granaries and the fields have been looted in operations code named “simsim” by the NRA or burned down;

Livestock have been looted by the NRA sometimes under the guise of “Karamojong” who surprisingly take cattle to Kampala instead of Moroto or Kotido!

People have been incinerated in train wagons.

Following the Atanga massacre, Amnesty International reported,

“ That on May 3rd 1991, solders of the 106 Battalion of the NRA “executed Moses in Kitgum town. And citing incidences of killings in other areas of Acholi, Wasswa Lule, the Inspector General of Government lamented that NRM sodomites were, “responsible for the rapes and massacres of civilians in Alokolum, Lapono and Agung villages in Anaka division. Victims included Mr.Ongele who had complained to the army about the widespread rapes and looting of foodstuff”.

One of the Verona Fathers Catholic Missionaries had an interview with Dr Ogenga Otunnu and spoke of the diabolical activities of the NRA in the following words;

“These people (some of them are Ugandans) are quite excited about the armed struggle in Acholi.. Almost anybody they see during their operation, they shoot at or cut with their machetes or bayonets…I also witnessed them mutilate unarmed people, including school children, the Holy Rosary Primary School. Some of these people had taken refuge at the Cathedral………the irony, however, is that the surviving victims are often paraded by the soldiers or government functionaries before a group of reporters and asked to expose those who mutilated them. Naturally they would say the rebels did it.”

Through intimidation and sophisticated propaganda machinery, the NRM has always covered up or blamed the so-called rebels for its atrocities in Acholiland. Dr Odora Obote has provided numerous accounts, in which the NRA engaged in gruesome mutilations. In summary he wrote;

“From the middle of 1988, after the NRM/A government had effectively blocked journalists and foreign aid workers from ‘freely’ travelling to northern Uganda, their methods of killing became even more ruthless. The NRA took pleasure in cutting off the lips and ears of their victims. They frequently blamed rebels for these atrocities even when they operated in areas where officially the rebels have been wiped out”.

A typical case was the incidence at lamina dera near Labora on the 2nd July 1991 following the mass killings of civilians and the burning down of their houses. The Lamina dera incident caught the attention of the Uganda’s national newspapers, and one of it reported that.

“In the same incident 6 girls who had gone there to buy cassava had their lips chopped off “. (Weekly Topic, Kampala, 26th July 1991).

In justifying the killings and the mutilations of civilians, an NRA officer boasted that,

“This is not necessarily a bad military strategy because it strikes terror among the ordinary people and discourages them from supporting rebels”. (Ogenga Otunnu).

These are the actions of a so-called disciplined army whose government has signed and sworn to uphold Human Rights Conventions. These, rather, are the actions of a government, which parades a Human Rights Commission, whose powers to investigate the NRA are curtailed. Its propaganda value is not lost to NRM/NRA and Lt. Gen. Museveni.

Indeed the Editorial of The Monitor of Friday December 25- January 1st, 1993 had questioned the population census figures of 1991 published in the New Vision when it wondered as to how the population of Teso had dramatically dropped from being the second highest to Buganda figured which for so long had been the case. The Editorial wondered whether the drop of the numbers was because “several of them perished in the bitter wars between the NRA and the rebels?”

Brig. Muhwezi did the world a favour when he responded to an accusation in the Shariat newspaper, which had written that:

“The NRA had butchered a quarter of a million Iteso”. (See Shariat of 20th, July 1994).

Muhwezi in his response is reported to have said in answer to Hussein Musa Njuki that:

“It is wrong to use the word butchered, you would have used the word killed. The two words don’t give the same meaning”. (See The Shariat vol. 8, No. 30 of 26th, -31st, July 1994).

The above quoted chilling utterances, by Lt. Gen Museveni and his lieutenants, have been a barrier to bridge building between and amongst our people. It is a language, which drives people to war rather than reconciliation. It also shows to what degree of importance he attaches the resolution of issues and the achievement a successful system of governance through violence, and violent means alone.

It is also overwhelmingly clear from the above statements and quotes that dictator Museveni being so powerful, thinks that any dissent to him, his views and vision is unacceptable and must ruthlessly and demonstrably be crushed by violent means. We believe however, that Museveni, has no qualms to subject ordinary people to such horrendous suffering in the hope the local population assists him to quell a rebellion in the area in which there is armed opposition. Only a psychopath can do these terrible things to his own fellow citizens. Museveni therefore is a real psychopathic killer – a genocidaire. (Ask those women and men who were recently raped in Padibe IDP camp).

LRM/A Information Bureau, Released 20th April 2005.


Aim and Objectives

Once gain, we would like to include here the aims and objectives of the LRA/M for the benefits of those who genuinely want to know. This document was first released way back in 1994 and was widely circulated between 1995 and 1997. It was however updated in 2000 and was also made available on the LRA/M website between 2000 and 2001. We acknowledge that a lot of changes have taken place since this document was last updated. It therefore became necessary for us not just to update our records and re-commit our resolve, and ourselves but also re-state our aims and objectives too for the just causes for our struggle.

Our aims and objectives may be summarized as follows: -

a) To remove the Museveni’s dictatorship in order to:
Ø Stop oppression of our people and the wanton violations of our national Constitution;
Ø Stop the gross human rights violations by the UPDF and other auxiliary forces and provide protection for the lives and property of all Ugandans;
Ø Restore genuine peace and security throughout the country;
Ø Restore the rule of law, competitive multiparty democracy and the fundamental human rights and dignity of every Uganda citizen;
b) To ensure unity, sovereignty, and equitable distribution of wealth throughout the country in order to promote economic prosperity beneficial to all Ugandans without discrimination.
c) To bring to an end the repressive policy of deliberate marginalisation; deprivation; state initiated poverty; and the disfranchisement of citizens.
d) To restore regional as well as international peace, cooperation and good neighbourliness with all countries from near and far and establish a strong administrative, diplomatic, economic, political and social relations with all our East and Central African neighbours.
e) To eradicate corruption and all its ugly features so evident in the present NRM regime, the public and private sectors and many of its illegal political, economic and military establishments by putting in place reputable institutions that act as checks and balances for the fight against corruption.
f) To fight discrimination, sectarianism and any forms of division being promoted by the present regime in appointments to high offices and distribution of opportunities among indigenous communities of Uganda, especially in social, political or economic fields in public service and private sectors.

The LRA/M is first and foremost fighting for the removal of the Museveni’s dictatorship with its policies of oppression, gross violations of our citizen’s rights. The LRA/M is therefore fighting a just war against a tyrannical regime that has been thriving on the massacres and annihilations of certain targeted communities in Uganda, Rwanda and the DRC in the last twenty years. Our struggle is therefore not just aimed at the liberation of Uganda in that narrow context, but also has far reaching regional as well as international implications.

The LRA/M is a conglomerate of disenchanted citizens of Uganda driven to take up arms by the heavy-handedness of the despotic anarchical regime of Museveni. The Museveni’s dictatorial regime continue to date to burn down homes and villages and roast alive hundreds of innocent civilians and destroy property driving millions of our people into concentration camps, promising them protection, but only to leave them vulnerable to child abductions by the regime’s forces for deployment in Rwanda and the DRC wars. Innocent civilians have since been abandoned in these camps under horrific conditions and left to all forms of abuse by the regime’s forces and militia groups including rapes, murders and carnage of diseases such as Ebola, HIV/Aids, syphilis, malaria, gonorrhea, cholera etc. Fire inferno often set by the regime’s forces claim hundreds of innocent lives on a daily basis, most victims unfortunately are women and children.

The conditions for an armed struggle that exist now in Museveni’s Uganda according to analysts actually existed when the LRA/M was founded. We have been proved right all along. Unfortunately, actions of fellow Ugandans and their overseas friends continue not just to sustain the dictatorship, but also to legitimize its rule and all the ills associated with it. We rejected the notion of let’s wait and see long time ago. We rejected the notion that let’s beat him through the ballot box ages ago. We refused to wait until the last Ugandan is dead before we take action long time ago.

LRA/M proudly maintains its secular nature and considers every living person on equal terms, regardless of creed, tribe or cultural background. It is for this very fundamental belief that the LRA/M is always willing to work with other Ugandan political groups and institutions in order to entrench and promote peaceful co-existence among all Ugandans for a better future. The above stated Aims and Objectives should therefore be regarded as a fundamental agenda of the LRA/M for the just struggle.

Since the breakdown of the ill-fated and ill-conceived ‘Peace Talks’ with the regime’s delegation in December 2004, the LRA/M has continued to maintain its policy of not targeting civilians and their property deliberately. It is however, regrettable that the Ugandan government secret security agents have been reinforced in the region to commit acts of terror against innocent civilians with the sole intention of putting the blame of such crimes on the LRM/A. It is no secret that illegal terror organizations, such as the Kalangala Action Plan (KAP) paramilitary units; units of the Internal Security Organisation and Chieftaincy of Military Intelligence (CMI) and many other militia groups trained by the regime in Kampala have since 2001 been heavily deployed in the northern districts of Gulu, Kitgum, Pader, Apac, Lira, Kumi, Katakwi in particular and in other northern Uganda districts in general, to kill, rape, maim or mutilate innocent local civilians and lay the blame for such diabolical acts on the LRA/M. We deplore these kind of dastardly conducts and hereby dissociate ourselves completely from such actions, which the Ugandan government and its secret agents are engaged in for their propaganda.

Until liberation day, the struggle continues.

For God and My Country.

LRA/M Information Bureau: 30th June 2005.


BBC: 30.04.2005

The UK government has cancelled £5m ($10m) of funding to Uganda, because it feels not enough has been done to establish fair multi-party politics.

About half of Uganda's entire budget comes from donor funding.

Political parties have for years been severely restricted and some opposition groups have urged donors to cut aid.

Multi-party elections are expected to return next year, but some say the government is not doing enough to ensure a smooth transition.


Although the British have handed over almost 90% of the proposed funding for the year, the BBC's Will Ross in Kampala says this action is intended to send out a message: "The British government will work with you and support you but only if the political process is fair."

The political temperature has been rising in recent months Since President Yoweri Museveni came to power 18 years ago, Uganda has operated a unique political system which severely restricted political parties but the political landscape is set to change.

The Ugandan government and opposition parties have said they all support a return to multi-party politics ahead of elections in a year's time. The political temperature in Uganda has been increasing in recent months - partly because of attempts to amend the constitution and allow President Museveni to run for office again.

As the British-led Commission for Africa is calling for more aid to the continent, other donor countries share the British concern over the current political transition in Uganda.

At the launch of the commission, rock star turned anti-poverty campaigner Sir Bob Geldof said that his admiration for Mr Museveni's fight against poverty and Aids had now been lost due to the moves to let Uganda's leader remain in office.

"Get a grip Museveni. Your time is up, go away," he said.

This cut in funding is a reminder that Uganda stands to lose a great deal more if donor countries are not seeing good governance and a level playing field ahead of next year's elections, our correspondent says.

VI. Prepared Testimony and Statement for the Record of Wayne Madsen, Author,

“Genocide and Covert Operations in Africa 1993-1999”

Investigative Journalist On: Suffering and Despair: Humanitarian Crisis in the Congo Before the Subcommittee on International Operations and Human Rights Committee on International Relations United States House of Representatives

Washington, DC, May 17, 2001

My name is Wayne Madsen. I am the author of Genocide and Covert Operations in Africa 1993-1999[1], a work that involved some three years worth of research and countless interviews in Rwanda, Uganda,France, the United Kingdom, United States, Belgium, Canada and the Netherlands. I am an investigative journalist who specializes on intelligence and privacy issues. I am grateful to appear before the Committee today. I am also appreciative of the Committee’s interest in holding this hearing on the present situation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

I wish to discuss the record of American policy in the DRC over most of the past decade particularly involving the eastern Congo region. It is a policy that has rested, in my opinion, on the twin pillars of military aid and questionable trade. The military aid programs of the United States,largely planned and administered by the U.S. Special Operations Command and the Defenc Intelligence Agency (DIA), have been both overt and covert.

Prior to the first Rwandan invasion of Zaire/DRC in 1996, a phalanx of U.S. intelligence operatives converged on Zaire. Their actions suggested a strong interest in Zaire’s eastern defenses. The number-two person at the U.S. Embassy in Kigali travelled from Kigali to eastern Zaire to initiate intelligence contacts with the Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo-Zaire (AFDL-CZ) rebels under the command of the late President Laurent Kabila. The Rwandan embassy official met with rebel leaders at least twelve times.[2]

A former U.S. ambassador to Uganda - acting on behalf of the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) – gathered intelligence on the movement of Hutu refugees through eastern Zaire. The DIA’s second ranking Africa hand, who also served as the U.S. military attaché in Kigali, reconnoitred the Rwandan border towns of Cyangugu and Gisenyi, gathering intelligence on the cross border movements of anti-Mobutu Rwandan Tutsis from Rwanda.[3]

The Defense Intelligence Agency’s African bureau chief established a close personal relationship with Bizima (alias Bizimana) Karaha, an ethnic Rwandan who would later become the Foreign Minister in the Laurent Kabila government. Moreover, the DIA’s Africa division had close ties with Military Professional Resources, Inc. (MPRI), an Alexandria, Virginia private military company (PMC), whose Vice President for Operations is a former Director of DIA.

The political officer of the U.S. Embassy in Kinshasa, accompanied by a CIA operative, traveled with AFDL-CZ rebels through the eastern Zaire jungles for weeks after the 1996 Rwandan invasion of Zaire. In addition, it was reported that the Kinshasa embassy official and three U.S.intelligence agents regularly briefed Bill Richardson, Clinton’s special African envoy, during the rebels’ steady advance towards Kinshasa.[4] The U.S. embassy official conceded that he was in Goma to do more than meet rebel leaders for lunch. Explaining his presence, he said “What I am here to do is to acknowledge them [the rebels] as a very significant military and political power on the scene, and, of course, to represent American interests.”[5] In addition, MPRI was reportedly providing covert training assistance to Kagame’s troops in preparation for combat in Zaire.[6] Some believe that MPRI had actually been involved in training the RPF from the time it took power in Rwanda.[7]


The covert programs involving the use of private military training firms and logistics support contractors that are immune to Freedom of Information Act requests is particularly troubling for researchers and journalists who have tried, over the past several years, to get at the root causes for the deaths and mayhem in the DRC and other countries in the region. These U.S. contractor support programs have reportedly involved covert assistance to the Rwandan and Ugandan militaries - the major backers of the Rassemblement Congolais pour la démocratie (RCD factions and – as reported by the UN’s “Panel of Experts on the Illegal Exploitation of Natural Resources and Other Forms of Wealth of the DRC”—are responsible for the systematic pillaging of Congo’s most valuable natural resources. The UN panel - chaired by Safiatou Ba-N’Daw of Cote d’Ivoire—concluded.

“Top military commanders from various countries needed and continue to need this conflict for its lucrative nature and for temporarily solving some internal problems in those countries a well as allowing access to wealth.”

There is more than ample evidence that the elements of the U.S. military and intelligence community may have - on varying occasions - aided and abetted this systematic pillaging by the Ugandan and Rwandan militaries. The UN Report named the United States, Germany, Belgium, and Kazakhstan as leading buyers of the illegally exploited resources from the DRC.

Sources in the Great Lakes region consistently report the presence of a U.S.-built military base near Cyangugu, Rwanda, near the Congolese border. The base, reported to have been partly constructed by the U.S. firm Brown & Root, a subsidiary of Halliburton, is said to be involved with training RPF forces and providing logistics support to their troops in the DRC. Additionally, the presence in the region of black U.S. soldiers supporting the RPF and Ugandans has been something consistently reported since the first invasion of Zaire-Congo in 1996. On January 21, 1997, France claimed it actually recovered the remains of two American combatants killed near the Oso River in Kivu province during combat and returned them to American officials. The U.S. denied these claims.[8]


As U.S. troops and intelligence agents were pouring into Africa to help the RPF and AFDL-CZ forces in their 1996 campaign against Mobutu, Vincent Kern, the Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for African Affairs, told the House International Operations and Human Rights Subcommittee on December 4, 1996 that U.S. military training for the RPF was being conducted under a program called Enhanced International Military Education and Training (EIMET). Kathi Austin, a Human Rights Watch specialist on arms transfers in Africa, told the Subcommittee on May 5, 1998 that one senior U.S. embassy official in Kigali described the U.S. Special Forces training program for the RPF as “killers . . . training killers.”[9]

In November 1996, U.S. spy satellites and a U.S. Navy P-3 Orion were attempting to ascertain how many Rwandan Hutu refugees were in eastern Zaire. The P-3 was one of four stationed at old Entebbe Airport on the shores of Lake Victoria. Oddly, while other planes flying over eastern Zaire attracted anti-aircraft fire from Kabila’s forces, the P-3s, which patrolled the skies above Goma and Sake, were left alone.[10]

Relying on the overhead intelligence, U.S. military and aid officials confidently announced that 600,000 Hutu refugees returned home to Rwanda from Zaire. But that left an estimated 300,000 unaccounted for. Many Hutus seemed to be disappearing from camps around Bukavu.

By December 1996, U.S. military forces were also operating in Bukavu amid throngs of Hutus, less numerous Twa refugees, Mai Mai guerrillas, advancing Rwandan troops, and AFDL-CZ rebels. A French military intelligence officer said he detected some 100 armed U.S. troops in the eastern Zaire conflict zone.[11]Moreover, the DGSE reported the Americans had knowledge of the extermination of Hutu refugees by Tutsis in both Rwanda and eastern Zaire and were doing nothing about it. More ominously, there was reason to believe that some U.S. forces, either Special Forces or mercenaries, may have actually participated in the extermination of Hutu refugees. The killings reportedly took place at a camp on the banks of the Oso River near Goma.[12] Roman Catholic reports claim that the executed included a number of Hutu Catholic priests. At least for those who were executed, death was far quicker than it was for those who escaped deep into the jungle. There, many died from tropical diseases or were attacked and eaten by wild animals.[13]

Jacques Isnard, the Paris based defense correspondent for Le Monde supported the contention of U.S. military knowledge of the Oso River massacre but went further. He quoted French intelligence sources that believed that between thirty and sixty American mercenary “advisers” participated with the RPF in the massacre of hundreds of thousands of Hutu refugees around Goma. Although his number of Hutu dead was more conservative than the French estimates, the U.N.’s Chilean investigator, Roberto Garreton, reported the Kagame and Kabila forces had committed “crimes against humanity” in killing thousands [emphasis added] of Hutu refugees.[14] It was known that the planes the U.S. military deployed in eastern Zaire included heavily armed and armored helicopter gunships typically used by the Special Forces. These were fitted with 105 mm cannons, rockets, machine guns, land mine ejectors, and, more importantly, infra red sensors used in night operations. U.S. military commanders unabashedly stated the purpose of these gunships was to locate refugees to determine the best means of providing them with humanitarian assistance.[15]

According to the French magazine Valeurs Actuelles, a French DC-8 Sarigue electronic intelligence (ELINT) aircraft circled over eastern Zaire at the time of the Oso River massacre. The Sarigue’s mission was to intercept and fix the radio transmissions of Rwandan military units engaged in the military operations. This aircraft, in addition to French special ground units, witnessed U.S. military ethnic cleansing in Zaire’s Kivu Province[16].

In September 1997, the prestigious Jane’s Foreign Report reported that German intelligence sources were aware that the DIA trained young men and teens from Rwanda, Uganda, and eastern Zaire for periods of up to two years and longer for the RPF/AFDL-CZ campaign against Mobutu. The recruits were offered pay of between $450 and $1000 upon their successful capture of Kinshasa.[17] Toward the end of 1996, U.S. spy satellites were attempting to ascertain how many refugees escaped into the jungle by locating fires at night and canvas tarpaulins during the day. Strangely, every time an encampment was discovered by the space-based imagery, Rwandan and Zaire rebel forces attacked the sites. This was the case in late February 1997, when 160,000, mainly Hutu refugees, were spotted and then attacked in a swampy area known as Tingi Tingi.[18] There was never an adequate accounting by the Pentagon and U.S. intelligence agencies of the scope of intelligence provided to the RPF/AFDL-CZ. An ominous report on the fate of refugees was made by Nicholas Stockton, the Emergencies Director of Oxfam U.K. & Ireland. He said that on November 20, 1996, he was shown U.S. aerial intelligence photographs which “confirmed, in considerable detail, the existence of 500,000 people distributed in three major and numerous minor agglomerations.” He said that three days later the U.S. military claimed it could only locate one significant mass of people, which they claimed were identified as former members of the Rwandan armed forces and the Interhamwe militia. Since they were the number one targets for the RPF forces, their identification and location by the Americans was undoubtedly passed to the Rwandan forces. They would personnel in central Africa said that any deaths among the Hutu refugees merely constituted “collateral damage.” When the AFDL-CZ and their Rwandan allies reached Kinshasa in 1996, it was largely due to the help of the United States. One reason why Kabila’s men advanced into the city so quickly was the technical assistance provided by the DIA and other intelligence agencies. According to informed sources in Paris, U.S. Special Forces actually accompanied ADFL-CZ forces into Kinshasa. The Americans also reportedly provided Kabila’s rebels and Rwandan troops with high definition spy satellite photographs that permitted them to order their troops to plot courses into Kinshasa that avoided encounters with Mobutu’s forces.[20] During the rebel advance toward Kinshasa, Bechtel provided Kabila, at no cost, high technology intelligence, including National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA) satellite data.[21]


By 1998, the Kabila regime had become an irritant to the United States, North American mining interests, and Kabila’s Ugandan and Rwandan patrons. As a result, Rwanda and Uganda launched a second invasion of the DRC to get rid of Kabila and replace him with someone more servile. The Pentagon was forced to admit on August 6, 1998 that a twenty man U.S. Army Rwanda Interagency Assessment Team (RIAT) was in the Rwanda at the time of the second RPF invasion of Congo. The camouflaged unit was deployed from the U.S. European Command in Germany.[22] It was later revealed that the team in question was a JCET unit that was sent to Rwanda to help the Rwandans “defeat ex FAR (Rwandan Armed Forces) and Interhamwe” units. U.S. Special Forces JCET team began training Rwandan units on July 15, 1998. It was the second such training exercise held that year. The RIAT team was sent to Rwanda in the weeks just leading up to the outbreak of hostilities in Congo.[23] The RIAT, specializing in counter insurgency operations, traveled to Gisenyi on the Congolese border just prior to the Rwandan invasion.[24] One of the assessments of the team recommended that the United States establish a new and broader military relationship with Rwanda. National Security Council spokesman P. J. Crowley, said of the RIAT’s presence in Rwanda: “I think it’s a coincidence that they were there at the same time the fighting began.”[25]

Soon, however, as other African nations came to the assistance of Laurent Kabila, the United States found itself in the position of providing military aid under both the E-IMET and the Joint Combined Exchange Training (JCET) programs. U.S. Special Operations personnel were involved in training troops on both sides of the war in the DRC - Rwandans, Ugandans, and Burundians (supporting the RCD factions) and Zimbabweans and Namibians (supporting the central government in Kinshasa). As with the first invasion, there were also a number of reports that the RPF and their RCD allies carried out a number of massacres throughout the DRC. The Vatican reported a sizable killing of civilians in August 1998 in Kasika, a small village in South Kivu that hosted a Catholic mission station. Over eight hundred people, including priests and nuns, were killed by Rwandan troops. The RCD response was to charge the Vatican with aiding Kabila. The Rwandans, choosing to put into practice what the DIA’s PSYOPS personnel had taught them about mounting perception management campaigns, shepherded the foreign press to carefully selected killing fields. The dead civilians were identified as exiled Burundian Hutu militiamen. Unfortunately, many in the international community, still suffering a type of collective guilt over the genocide of the Tutsis in Rwanda, gave the Rwandan assertions more credence than was warranted. The increasing reliance by the Department of Defense on so-called Private Military Contractors (PMCs) is of special concern. Many of these PMCs -- once labeled as “mercenaries” by previous administrations when they were used as foreign policy instruments by the colonial powers of France, Belgium, Portugal, and South Africa—have close links with some of the largest mining and oil companies involved in Africa today. PMCs, because of their proprietary status, have a great deal of leeway to engage in covert activities far from the reach of congressional investigators. They can simply claim that their business in various nations is a protected trade secret and the law now seems to be on their side.


America’s policy toward Africa during the past decade, rather than seeking to stabilize situations where civil war and ethnic turmoil reign supreme, has seemingly promoted destabilization. Former Secretary of State Madeleine Albright was fond of calling pro-U.S. military leaders in Africa who assumed power by force and then cloaked themselves in civilian attire, “beacons of hope.” In reality, these leaders, who include the current presidents of Uganda, Rwanda, Ethiopia, Angola, Eritrea, Burundi, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo preside over countries where ethnic and civil turmoil permit unscrupulous international mining companies to take advantage of the strife to fill their own coffers with conflict diamonds, gold, copper, platinum, and other precious minerals - including one - columbite-tantalite or “coltan”—which is a primary component of computer microchips and printed circuit boards. Some of the companies involved in this new “scramble for Africa” have close links with PMCs and America’s top political leadership. For example, America Minerals Fields, Inc., a company that was heavily involved in promoting the 1996 accession to power of Kabila, was, at the time of its involvement in the Congo’s civil war, headquartered in Hope, Arkansas. Its major stockholders included long-time associates of former President Clinton going back to his days as Governor of Arkansas. America Mineral Fields also reportedly enjoys a close relationship with Lazare Kaplan International, Inc., a major international diamond brokerage whose president remains a close confidant of past and current administrations on Africa matters.[26]

The United States has a long history of supporting all sides in the DRC’s civil wars in order to gain access to the country’s natural resources. The Ba-N’Daw Report presents a cogent example of how one U.S. firm was involved in the DRC’s grand thievery before the 1998 break between Laurent Kabila and his Rwandan and Ugandan backers. It links the Banque de commerce, du developpement et d’industrie (BCDI) of Kigali, Citibank in New York, the diamond business and armed rebellion. The report states: “In a letter signed by J.P. Moritz, general manager of Societe miniere de Bakwanga (MIBA), a Congolese diamond company, and Ngandu Kamenda, the general manager of MIBA ordered a payment of US$3.5 million to la Generale de commerce d’import/export du Congo (COMIEX), a company owned by late President Kabila and some of his close allies, such as Minister Victor Mpoyo, from an account in BCDI through a Citibank account. This amount of money was paid as a contribution from MIBA to the AFDL war effort.”

Also troubling are the ties that some mining companies in Africa have with military privateers.

UN Special Rapporteur Enrique Ballesteros of Peru concluded in a his March 2001 report for the UN Commission on Human Rights, that mercenaries were inexorably linked to the illegal diamond and arms trade in Africa. He stated, “Mercenaries participate in both types of traffic, acting as pilots of aircraft and helicopters, training makeshift troops in the use of weapons and transferring freight from place to place. Ballesteros added, “Military security companies and air cargo companies registered in Nevada (the United States), in the Channel Islands and especially in South Africa and in Zimbabwe, are engaged in the transport of troops, arms, munitions, and diamonds.”

In 1998, America Minerals Fields purchased diamond concessions in the Cuango Valley along the Angolan-Congolese border from International Defense and Security (IDAS Belgium SA), a mercenary firm based in Curacao and headquartered in Belgium. According to an American Mineral Fields press release, “In May 1996, America Mineral Fields entered into an agreement with IDAS Resources N.V. (“IDAS”) and IDAS shareholders, under which the Company may acquire 75.5% of the common shares of IDAS. In turn, IDAS has entered into a 50-50 joint venture agreement with Endiama, the Angola state mining company. The joint venture asset is a 3,700 km mining lease in the Cuango Valley, Luremo and a 36,000 km2 prospecting lease called the Cuango International, which borders the mining lease to the north. The total area is approximately the size of Switzerland.” [27]

America Mineral Fields directly benefited from America’s initial covert military and intelligence support for Kabila. It is my observation that America’s early support for Kabila, which was aided and abetted by U.S. allies Rwanda and Uganda, had less to do with getting rid of the Mobutu regime than it had to do with opening up Congo’s vast mineral riches to North American-based and influenced mining companies. Presently, some of America Mineral Fields’ principals now benefit from the destabilization of Sierra Leone and the availability of its cut-rate “blood diamonds” on the international market. Also, according to the findings of a commission headed up by Canadian United Nations Ambassador, Robert Fowler, Rwanda has violated the international embargo against Angola’s UNITA rebels in allowing the “to operate more or less freely” in selling conflict zone diamonds and making deals with weapons dealers in Kigali.[28]

One of the major goals of the Rwandan-backed RCD-Goma faction, a group fighting the Kabila government in Congo, is restoration of mining concessions for Barrick Gold, Inc. of Canada. In fact, the rebel RCD government’s “mining minister” signed a separate mining deal with Barrick in early 1999.[29] Among the members of Barrick’s International Advisory Board are former President Bush and former President Clinton’s close confidant Vernon Jordan. Currently, Barrick and tens of other mining companies are helping to stoke the flames of the civil war in the DRC. Each benefits by the de facto partition of the country into some four separate zones of political control. First the mineral exploiters from Rwanda and Uganda concentrated on pillaging gold and diamonds from the eastern Congo. Now, they have increasingly turned their attention to col-tan.

It is my hope that the Bush administration will take pro-active measures to stem the conflict in the DRC by applying increased pressure on Uganda and Rwanda to withdraw their troops from the country. However, the fact that President Bush has selected Walter Kansteiner to be Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs, portends, in my opinion, more trouble for the Great Lakes region. A brief look at Mr. Kansteiner’s curriculum vitae and statements calls into question his commitment to seeking a durable peace in the region.

In an October 15, 1996 paper written by Mr. Kansteiner for the Forum for International Policy on the then-eastern Zaire, he called for the division of territory in the Great Lakes region “between the primary ethnic groups, creating homogenous ethnic lands that would probably necessitate redrawing international boundaries and would require massive ‘voluntary’ relocation efforts.” Kansteiner foresaw creating separate Tutsi and Hutu states after such a drastic population shift. It should be recalled that the creation of a Tutsi state in eastern Congo was exactly what Rwanda, Uganda and their American military advisers had in mind when Rwanda invaded then-Zaire in 1996, the same year Kansteiner penned his plans for the region. Four years later, Kansteiner was still convinced that the future of the DRC was “balkanization” into separate states.

In an August 23, 2000 Pittsburgh Post-Gazette article, Kansteiner stated that the “breakup of the Congo is more likely now than it has been in 20 or 30 years.” Of course, he de facto break up of Congo into various fiefdoms has been a boon for U.S. and other western mineral companies. And I believe Kansteiner’s previous work at the Department of Defense where he served on a Task Force on Strategic Minerals - and one must certainly consider col-tan as falling into that category—may influence his past and current thinking on the territorial integrity of the DRC. After all, 80 per cent of the world’s known reserves of col-tan are found in the eastern DRC. It is potentially as important to the U.S. military as the Persian Gulf region.

However, the U.S. military and intelligence agencies, which have supported Uganda and Rwanda in their cross-border adventures in the DRC, have resisted peace initiatives and have failed to produce evidence of war crimes by the Ugandans and Rwandans and their allies in Congo.

The CIA, NSA, and DIA should turn over to international and congressional investigators intelligence-generated evidence in their possession, as well as overhead thermal imagery indicating the presence of mass graves and when they were dug. In particular, the NSA maintained a communications intercept station in Fort Portal, Uganda, which intercepted military and government communications in Zaire during the first Rwandan invasion. These intercepts may contain details of Rwandan and AFDL-CZ massacres of innocent Hutu refugees and other Congolese civilians during the 1996 invasion.

There must be a full accounting before the Congress by the staff of the U.S. Defense Attache’s Office in Kigali and certain U.S. Embassy staff members in Kinshasa who served from early 1994 to the present time. As for the number of war casualties in the DRC since the first invasion from Rwanda in 1996, I would estimate, from my own research, the total to be around 1.7 to 2 million - a horrendous number by any calculation. And I also believe that although disease and famine were contributing factors, the majority of these deaths were the result of actual war crimes committed by Rwandan, Ugandan, Burundian, AFD-CZ, RCD, and military and paramilitary forces of other countries.


It is beyond time for the Congress to seriously examine the role of the United States in the genocide and civil wars of central Africa, as well as the role that PMCs currently play in other African trouble spots like Nigeria, Sierra Leone, Equatorial Guinea, Angola, Ethiopia, Sudan, and Cabinda. Other nations, some with less than stellar records in Africa - France and Belgium, for example - have had no problem examining their own roles in Africa’s last decade of turmoil. The British Foreign Office is in the process of publishing a green paper on regulation of mercenary activity. At the very least, the United States, as the world’s leading democracy, owes Africa at least the example of a critical self-inspection. I appreciate the concern shown by the Chair and members of this committee in holding these hearings.

Thank you.

[1] Lewiston, NY and Lampeter, Wales, UK: Edwin Mellen Press, 1999.

[2] Colum Lynch, “U.S. agents were seen with rebels in Zaire: Active participation is alleged in military overthrow of Mobutu,” BOSTON GLOBE, 8 October 1997, A2.

[3] Ibid.

[4] Ibid.

[5] David Rieff, “Realpolitik in Congo: should Zaire’s fate have been subordinate to the fate of Rwandan refugees?” THE NATION, 7 July 1997.

[6] Georges Berghezan, “Une guerre cosmopolite,” (“A cosmopolitan war,”), Marc Schmitz and Sophie Nolet, editors, Kabila prend le pouvoir (“Kabila Takes Power) (Paris: Editions GRIP, 1998), 97.

[7] André Dumoulin, La France Militaire et l’Afrique (The French Military and Africa) (Paris: Éditions GRIP, 1997), 87.

[8] “Fighting with the rebels,” ASIA TIMES, 1 April 1997, 8; Jacques Isnard, “Des ‘conseillers’ américains ont aidé à renverser le régime de M. Mobutu” (“American advisers helped to oust the regime of Mr. Mobutu”), Le Monde, 28 August 1997; “Influence americaine” (“American influence”), La Lettre du Continent, 3 April 1997.

[9] Dana Priest, “Pentagon Slow to Cooperate With Information Requests,” THE WASHINGTON POST, 31 December 1998, A34.

[10] Christian Jennings, “U.S. plane seeks “missing” refugees in east Zaire,” Reuters North American Wire, 26 November 1996.

[11] Lynch, op. cit.

[12] Hubert Condurier, “Ce que les services secrets français savaient” (“What the French Secret Services Knew”), VALEURS ACTUELLES, 30 August 1997, 26 27.

[13] “Priests Speak of Massacres, Destitution,” All Africanews...


At the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS), University of London, The Brunei Gallery hall on 27.05.2005 in the evening, was packed to more than the capacity expected. I could easily say there were more than 1000 people - 99% of them Ugandans in the UK. Please rest assured that Ugandans have spoken for the first time with one voice, and that was the most resounding, and the loudest voice yet of no, no, no, no, never! F.. all them kisanjja, whatever.

Opposition speaker after speaker picked up from the main opposition speakers, Eriya Kategay and Robert Egwea and lambasted Amama Mr.bady (Mbabazi) and the dinosuar looking Prof Kabwegyere with blistering attacks that reduced them close to tears. Amama Mbabazi was looking like a dead rat waiting to be swallowed by a cat, or if it was an edible one, to be roasted. They were throwing looks at the Kategayas, like quietly whispering that we shall deal with this man if we return home. Ha ha ha ha.

The red-faced and red-necked British (sun-tanned in the tropics of Africa, mind you trading in arms and exploiting our resources) were so embarassed that suddenly they found themselves being accused of using the 1.6bn UGSHS to promote the image of Mu7's Uganda. You won't believe it, but one lady had to shout out loud, from nowhere, no, it is not! Followed by the audience's loud laughter. The attacks were hurting and one by one they first started to sink into their seats (nearly sitting on their backs) and then afterwards they left in twos and threes and then suddenly in a stream. Mr Dowden the main organiser, was reduced to a shadow of himself. The introduction he had made earlier on about his closeness to Uganda and the many trips he has been making to Uganda started to haunt him. He was sitting with his legs crossed, very close to his chest - watch the actual video.

Aldo Okot from no where has suddenly rediscovered his old self (the one I met first time way back in 1987 and eloquently posed the most important questions on behalf of those us emanating from northern Uganda and by the way on behalf of the more than 2 million living in concentration camps, as to why are Ugandans discussing about Mu7 's third term when a half of the country in still insecure and 2 million of their fellow citizens are still in IDP camps. His question, having not been answered, he quietly walked out in disgust, I suppose. Well done Aldo. I wish that kind of spirit was ripe and widespread amongst our NU communities, then perhaps, we could soon be beating our drums and saying 'kodi pa dano odwogi, kodi pa obi obi ogaki'!

Fred Opolot, the self appointed NRM-O chair in the UK was sweating heavily and running about confused. The few sympathisers who were carrying the kissanja flags meant to show support for the third term quickly dropped them onto the floors as if they were hot. Before the deabte even started, the flags simply vanished before our eyes.

In short, the exercise never worked. The image promotion exercise back-fired on them. Thanks to the ordinary Ugandans based in the UK who attended and represented the millions of others who never get the chance.

NB: (Kololo Apinyi had the opportunity to video the whole deabte. I will ask him if there was a chance of transferring the information into digital/audio versions).

Long live Uganda.
Dr Okello.


Uganda: An African "Success" Past Its Prime?" at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington DC

The event was Thursday, 2 June 05. It was scheduled for 10:30-11:30 am, but because of excited participation, it was continued until 12:30.

N.B.: Museveni's crimes against humanity in Congo came nowhere in the picture because the Americans and the British sent him there!!!

Read for yourself:

The panelists:

1) The chair: Howard Wolpe: Director of African Program of the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars

2) Presenter: Johnnie Carson: former US ambassador to Kenya, Zimbabwe, and Uganda; has been with National Defense University and with the African Affairs division of the State Department

3) Presenter: Joel Barkan: professor of Political Science at University of Iowa, formerly with USAID in East Africa

4) Discussant: Steve Morrison: Director of the Center for Strategic International Studies

Johnnie Carson made the first presentation. He pointed out that Museveni, in the past, did five great things:

1) He stopped state violence, except in the North.

2) He returned Asians and their property; implemented IMF economic reform.

3) He introduced human rights; freed political prisoners.

4) He created democracy: constitution and secret ballot elections.

5) He made eradication of HIV/AIDS a priority.

That said, Carson cautioned that Museveni is now risking what he has accomplished, possibly introducing another "dark, negative" period in Ugandan history. There are three ominous signs of this:

1) The "ungluing of democracy": Museveni wants to alter the Constitution to allow three terms or more; he is critical of multi-parties; he has removed from government even his own political allies who oppose him.

2) Corruption: a 2004 UN report alleged that Museveni family members are involved in smuggling; risking loss of faith in democracy and furthering public belief that democracy will only work if Museveni is in charge.

3) The war in the North and the Lord's Resistance Army: the major cause is economic and political disparity among groups in Uganda, not Sudanese meddling. High level military corruption is fueling the war in the North.

Joel Barkan made the second presentation, a straight-talking, hard-hitting, almost angry scolding of Museveni: Museveni risks squandering his legacy. Things are not good in Uganda. The 1996 elections were fair and free but the 2001 elections were not. Economic growth has tapered since 1990; poverty has grown since 2000.

There are three basis areas of problems:

1) The slow and questionable transition to multi-party politics and threatened repeal of term limits. Uganda is based around one man; Museveni equals the Movement. There has been an increase in strong arm tactics; one shocking example is that the presidential guard unit of 200 Secret Service-like guards has become a 10,000-man personal army for Museveni, fully armed and outfitted, now called the Presidential Guard Brigade, headed by Museveni's son.

2) The LRA - PDF war is not just military; it's a war between northern people and the regime. It's also an intra-Acholi war. There are economic incentives for continuing the war. Sudan is a minor factor.

3) Corruption: there is a dense web of businesses, monopolies, and government schemes. Barkan recommended a formula for action: stop denying this reality and decide whether to focus on the problem: whether and how to stop supporting what's going on. Everyone knows what's going on, but no one knows what to do.

Steve Morrison asked a brilliantly simple question: What can realistically be done? Chances are nil of changes in US foreign policy toward Uganda, so what are we talking about here?

Johnnie Carson answered Morrison's question: What can be done is to cast a more critical eye, increase talk and scrutiny, and move Uganda from a success to a problem and into a place where international response is called for.

Joel Barkan also answered Morrison's question: Washington should increase scrutiny to put Uganda on the radar screen at the State Department. Stop celebrating Uganda's successes. Washington must put forth official opposition to repeal of term limits, and support development of a Ugandan domestic observation corps to check corruption and monitor elections. There is not much outsiders can do about the war in the North.

Uganda's Minister of Internal Affairs was in the audience, sitting in the front row (four seats in from me), and recognized repeatedly by each panelist.

At this point, the Minister took the podium, over Wolpe's protest for the audience to be "disciplined" in their responses. Wolpe had called for audience questions for the panelists; the Minister instead made a presentation.

The Minister expressed wishes that Ugandans had had more time to organize a response to this discussion. He admonished the panelists, particularly Joel Barkan, to whom he took particular offense, of their duty to "cross-check evidence" and allow more Ugandan voice in these debates, creating a more balanced picture for the American people. The Minister had five major concerns about Barkan's criticisms:

1) Concerning the political transition to multi-party-ism, the Minister challenged the view of Museveni as a dictator. He cautions us to not underestimate the capacity of the Ugandan people to not be bulldozed. He cautions us to not overlook that Uganda has freedom of the press, an independent judiciary, and a strong legislature. There was heckling from the audience at this point: "that's not true." But he got applause whenever he expressed faith in the Ugandan people's capacity to look after their own interests.

2) Concerning the repeal of term limits, the Minister simply said that the Ugandan people will decide this issue.

3) Concerning corruption, the Minister insisted that Joel Barkan is a spokesman for Ugandan opposition leaders and has not talked to government officials. The Minister insisted that Museveni is not corrupt; the Minister would leave the government if he believed him to be corrupt. The Minister admonished us to be careful what we are saying; we should give the benefit of the doubt to those who are not here, and avoid slandering the First Family and government leaders. The Minister complained that the sources that Barkan is using to make his accusations are not available to Ugandan government leaders. The Minister said that he would like to see the evidence underlying Barkan's statements. And not to worry, the IGG (Inspector General of Government) is watching corruption.

4) Museveni is not a lonely leader having thrown out his allies; the Minister testifies that he is a long time associate and is committed to Museveni.

5) Concerning the war in northern Uganda: Sudan is playing critical role in fueling the conflict. 6)
8) The chair opened the floor to Q&A;:

1) A European audience member made the observation that little reference has been made to Uganda's international role in Africa and its region. He got no response from the panel to that comment.

2) A Muganda audience member directed three questions to the Ugandan Minister of Internal Affairs: How could you justify a change in the constitution to allow Museveni to stay on? Why do you further Banyoro-Baganda friction? Did you participate in the murder of [names a particular Muganda man]? The chair admonished the audience to direct its questions to the panelists, not to other audience members.

3) An American asked: Could foreign governments use aid-conditionality to influence change in Uganda? Barkan answered: aid conditionality can be counter-productive; it has short term results but long term damaging affects on the economy.

4) Another American audience member asked: Is it possible to get beyond the "hand-wringing" and really bring positive change to Uganda before it gets bad?

5) An African audience member asked: Can we get other African leaders to meet with Museveni to convince him to step back? Can we work with Uganda and not throw the baby out with the bathwater?

6) A Ugandan audience member asked: What can the international community do to help support existing Ugandan institutions in order to not repeat the 1971 coup which in effect was aided by outsiders anxious to help Uganda and change its course?

7) Ambassador Edith Ssempala, Ugandan ambassador to the US, took the stage against the wishes of the chair. She had no question, just comments. Some audience members demanded that she ask a question of the panel, but she insisted that the chair had called for comments. The chair acknowledged that he was allowing comments. She attested to her full support of Museveni. There was a lot of heckling while she tried to speak. She admonished the audience to "be civilized; we are in a civilized world."

The chair tried to interrupt and call for a question from her. She continued a long praise song of Museveni and criticism of those who criticize him.

Johnnie Carson delivered a strong response to the Minister and the Ambassador: "Strong democracies are built around institutions, not around individuals...strong democracies are built on principles, not personalities." This got lots of applause.

Joel Barkan added: Uganda needs outsiders' assistance.

Wolpe concluded the somewhat contentious session diplomatically: This panel was not convened to attack Uganda, but to encourage its sustained success. Democracy needs to be self-critical. Circling the wagons cannot be a response to debate. Criticism is not blame; it's determining how to move forward.

This was a great session, and clearly indicates a strong interest in the US in debate on Uganda's present and future.

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